William Hung
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Battle Tested
by David Berreby
Link: Battle Tested | Psychology Today
This is a very good article on the psychology of armed conflicts. I was going to post it in the fascism/socialism thread to support my views there but thought this article is worthy of a separate thread. Please click on the link to read the full article, it’s worth it.
I will only paste some snippets here for the sake of brevity and copyright.
@Nihonjin1051 my friend what’s your expert comment on this? Is the author and content academically sound? I hope this is not just “pop-psychology”.
@jhungary @gambit any comment on this given your past military experiences?
@WebMaster @waz @Indos @Desert Fox @LeveragedBuyout @jamahir @FairAndUnbiased @sahaliyan @Kaniska and all.
by David Berreby
Link: Battle Tested | Psychology Today
This is a very good article on the psychology of armed conflicts. I was going to post it in the fascism/socialism thread to support my views there but thought this article is worthy of a separate thread. Please click on the link to read the full article, it’s worth it.
I will only paste some snippets here for the sake of brevity and copyright.
Battle Tested
War has long been the subject of history, philosophy, and poetry. Now, science may be revealing the hard truth about why men fight—and what could make them stop...
...Wilson had arrived in Damascus planning to learn Arabic as part of her doctoral research in medieval Arabic philosophy, but quickly discovered that when living there, “you can’t help but get absorbed in the politics.” At a conference, she happened to meet anthropologist Scott Atran, who for 20 years has studied people who participate in violent action on behalf of a group or a cause. When Atran offered Wilson an opportunity to collaborate with him, she jumped at the chance.
Since then, she has worked in several conflict zones in the region, and among the things she has learned is to adapt her research technique to local mores. For instance, while psychologists often ask subjects to rate their feelings on a scale of 1 to 10, such blunt quantification is “an unheard of way of answering a question” in the Middle East. “They look at you and say, ‘Let me tell you a story.’ So we do not ask with scales anymore. We’ll use images of fighters or we’ll ask them a question, and when they say yes or no, we’ll say, ‘Yes very, very much? Or yes only a bit?’ Or, ‘Are you not quite sure—right in the middle?’”
With the captured ISIS fighters, she plunged into her experiment, with its seemingly odd questions and images on flash cards. From their fellow believers, the men were used to hearing that establishing the Islamic State’s caliphate was God’s work. From their enemies, they were used to hearing the opposite—that ISIS was bad. Wilson managed to engage them by showing that she was not expecting either of these rote answers. “We’re not coming in and saying, ‘What’s it like to live under ISIS?’ or any of the questions they’re very used to. We’re asking something that makes them say ‘What?’ It gets them out of whatever prepared answers they had.” Measuring their true feelings about the relative strength of different groups in the region was the first step in the experiment. Af ter that, other tests would measure the extent to which the fighters identified with groups and their values. Despite the alien nature of Wilson’s line of inquiry, she found that it seized the men’s attention and they freely offered answers.
For millennia, philosophers and poets, historians and political economists have offered explanations for why men fight, with theories primarily based on rhetoric, ideology, or emotion. Yet Wilson and Atran are part of a growing number of researchers who are bringing the tools of science to bear on the study of conflict. That may sound unremarkable, but it’s actually a revolutionary approach to understanding the ancient scourges of war, genocide, and other manifestations of intergroup hatred and violence. Employing systematic research methods, these pioneering scholars are examining the pathology of war in much the same manner that biologists examine the pathology of disease. They hope to do nothing less than decipher the origins of conflict—and ultimately find new ways to stop it.
The Banality Of Evil
One benefit of applying scientific methods to the question of why we fight is that it can clear away misconceptions—the things that “everyone knows” about conflict but that have rarely been tested and, when they are, often prove to be false. One of the most common misconceptions, beloved of partisans in all conf licts as well as many who support combatants from a distance, is that people on the “other side” are abnormal—deluded, cruel, perhaps even insane. In a recent interview, for example, John Brennan, the director of the CIA, said of ISIS: “They are terrorists; they’re criminals. Most of them are psychopathic thugs—murderers who use a religious concept and mask themselves in that religious construct.”
But researchers have established that the image of the “crazy enemy” simply isn’t true. Rather, it’s a reflection of outgroup bias, one of the oldest and most robust findings from the annals of social psychology. It shows that we prefer people we perceive as members of our group—however loosely that may be defined—and are biased against those who are not. When groups fight, the natural bias against an outgroup is further exacerbated byfear and resentment.
In contrast to how we perceive them, the majority of terrorists, insurgents, and perpetrators of mass killing who have been tested by scientists have proven to be basically like the rest of us. That’s not to say that participating in a genocide or blowing oneself up in a crowded market is normal, but such behavior is not evidence of personality disorder or other serious psychopathology; rather, it’s an adaptive state of mind that mentally healthy people are entirely capable of adopting. In the case of Islamist terrorist groups, Atran says, “most foreign volunteers and supporters fall within the mid-ranges of what social scientists call the normal distribution of attributes like empathy, compassion, idealism, and wanting to help rather than hurt other people.” It’s proof of what the mid-20th-century political theorist Hannah Arendt famously called “the banality of evil” in her consideration of the seeming ordinariness of Nazis who committed atrocities in World War II.
“Ours is a ‘banality of evil’ approach,” says Hammad Sheikh, a psychologist at the New School for Social Research and collaborator with Atran and Wilson. Sheikh’s personal interest in the psychological origins of group violence began when he was growing up in Germany. “I could never believe that the Nazis were these evil people who had taken over. Millions of ordinary people had followed Hitler, and I met them. They had been fanatics. But in my childhood, they were nice old people shaking my hand and giving me chocolate.”
Not only are perpetrators of conflict not the cold-blooded psychopaths they’re often assumed to be; they may actually be distinguished for having an unusually high degree of compassion. In his studies of the neural mechanisms of prejudice and empathy, Emile Bruneau, a cognitive neuroscientist at MIT, has found that some terrorists scored higher than average on measures of empathy. Their intense empathy is limited, however, to members of their own group. “The problem is not that they lack empathy,” Bruneau says. “They have plenty. It’s just not distributed evenly.”
Why We Fight
If terrorists and genocidal murderers are not insane or intrinsically wicked, it doesn’t necessarily follow that they are coolly rational either. Such is the equal and opposite error often made in thinking about mass violence. Leaders of modern states frequently assume that their opponents are out to maximize their largely material rewards and minimize their pain. They are thought to respond to incentives (“We’ll give you food and other aid”) and avoid disincentives (“We’ll bomb you”). But Atran, who has talked to far more terrorists and likely received far more death threats than any other social scientist, has found that this kind of horse-trading is usually anathema to people in conflict zones.
In fact, it’s anathema to most of us. That is because people of all cultures hold “sacred values”—things that are too cherished to be compromised. For example, you might relinquish a weekend day to work for money. But if your religion prohibits working on the Sabbath, no amount of money can compel you to do so. Anything—a nation, a religious landmark, a legal status—can be construed as sacred, at which point defending it is perceived as a matter of right and wrong, not of costs and benefits.
Negotiating transactionally with people who are motivated by moral imperatives is bound only to infuriate them. As Jeremy Ginges, a psychologist at the New School for Social Research, wrote in a paper published last year, “Regardless of the specific issue (whether it concerns the right to make salt or to protect an old growth rain forest, a ‘holy’ city, or a national boundary), all sacred values appear to be defined by a taboo against material trade-offs.”
Although the human distinction between values and costs is universal, what we assign to each category varies widely. Something that’s venerated on one side of a dispute may be meaningless to the other, leaving plenty of room for misunderstandings or good-faith offers that can make conflict worse, not better. Ominously, a survey of some 1,400 Iranians conducted a few years ago by Atran and his colleagues found that 14 percent of them saw the maintenance of their country’s nuclear program as sacred.
Worse yet, two sides can regard the same thing as hallowed, setting the stage for a serious impasse. Such is the case in a number of confrontations around the world that seem fundamentally intractable: India and Pakistan fighting over Kashmir, Russia and Western allies over Ukraine, and, most obviously, Israel and the Palestinians over their disputed land. A survey by Sheikh, Ginges, and Atran in 2013 found that 86 percent of Palestinians consider “protecting Palestinian rights over Jerusalem” as a value ranked just slightly less than “protecting the family” and equal to “fairness to others.” The “right of return”—the demand of Palestinians to be able to return to the ancestral homeland from which their families fled during Israel’s establishment in 1948—was held sacred by 78 percent.
These findings may sound like grounds for despair, but the researchers argue that acknowledgment of an adversary’s sacred values—even if they conflict with one’s own—can make negotiations more successful. This is not just because it allows negotiators to avoid the error of offering to horse-trade over an issue that’s impervious to negotiation. It’s because people often respond well to having their sacred values acknowledged, even if that recognition comes in the form of a gesture that makes no practical difference. As Atran and the political scientist Robert Axelrod wrote several years ago, by making “symbolic concessions of no apparent material benefit”—for example, an apology for a past wrong or an acknowledgment of the other side’s legitimate right to its position—negotiators “might open the way to resolving seemingly irresolvable conflicts.” In some cases, an apology means more than a very large pile of money.
A thorough understanding of the nature of deeply held values could also eliminate time-wasting and posturing. After all, every side in a political conflict claims that it’s fighting for something fundamental, be it the right to eat whale meat in Japan or to walk around naked in San Francisco. Accurate surveys of people’s attitudes could separate a true values clash from a situation where leaders are just lobbing rhetoric.
What’s more, measuring the degree to which a value is perceived as essentially holy can shed light on behavior that has traditionally been considered impossible to predict or quantify. That was Wilson’s objective in her recent survey in Iraq, which was aimed at testing a method that could predict “willingness to fight”—the spirit of self-sacrifice and ruthless pursuit of victory that, for example, makes ISIS fighters so determined. United States officials believe that this quality is, as President Obama described it last year, “imponderable.”
Atran, Wilson, and Sheikh have argued that willingness to fight is actually quite possible to ponder, and even predict, if two things are known: the extent to which an individual feels his personal identity is fused with a collective identity, and the extent to which he thinks the fight is in defense of sacred values.
With a combination of images and questions, Wilson asked the men she met in the trailer how intensely they identified with various values and group labels (“democracy,” “Kurdishness,” “Iraq,” “Islam”). Later, she asked them to rate how much they would sacrifice for the values and identities that meant the most to them. Would they be willing to die? To kill someone? To kill a child? Crunched as data, the answers to these questions may reveal something critical and measurable about a person’s willingness to fight in a war.
Cure For Conflict?
Understanding how people become mass murderers, terrorists, and exploiters, or even how they come to support barbarousness from the sidelines, is only half the challenge. The other half, of course, is understanding what gets people out of those ranks. Here, too, the problem is not that we lack for theories, but that we have too many explanations on offer, few of which have been tested.
...(I think I’ll stop pasting here. The rest of the article is about conflict resolution, which is also very interesting but too long too paste)
@Nihonjin1051 my friend what’s your expert comment on this? Is the author and content academically sound? I hope this is not just “pop-psychology”.
@jhungary @gambit any comment on this given your past military experiences?
@WebMaster @waz @Indos @Desert Fox @LeveragedBuyout @jamahir @FairAndUnbiased @sahaliyan @Kaniska and all.