Also look how your leader thought of the Bengali people...who were in fact majority of the population.
Ayub thought that a large
> majority of Muslims in East Pakistan had an animist base
a thick
> layer of Hinduism and top crust of Islam. On September 7, 1967, he
> laments that God has been very unkind to us in giving the sort of
> neighbours and compatriots we have. He could not think of a worst
> combination, Hindus and Bengalis. On December 14, 1967: Bengali civil
> servants were limited, bigoted, provincialist, little men with
> narrow vision. On October 1, 1968: The immigrants in East Pakistan
> feel for Muslim unity but the Shudhra converts, who are indigenous,
> composing the bulk of the population
have a great urge to revert to
> Hinduism. On April 13, 1969 Ayub recalls with relish, and no doubt by
> way of endorsement, a story he heard from Kalabagh. In 1946 or so,
> Kalabagh's cousin the Sardar of Kot Fateh Khan had complained to the
> former that this man Jinnah
is wanting us to go under the Shudras of
> Bengal. Ayub relates this unabashedly racist comment in the context
> of demands that East Pakistan with 56% of the population should have
> 56% of seats in Parliament. The Sardar, if not Ayub, was clearly
> familiar with the basic norm and mechanics of representative
> government!
>
>
> Ayub did not hide his attitude toward Bengalis and Hindus. In his
> memoirs, Chester Bowles recalls meeting him during a visit to Pakistan
> as President Kennedy's Special Representative and Adviser on Asian,
> African and Latin American Affairs. He knew President Ayub Khan as a
> charming, Western-oriented Sandhurst military man with, unhappily,
> little understanding of Asia or its people. During discussions, Ayub
> was almost as contemptuous of his own East Bengalis
as he was of the
> Indians and the Afghans. Sir Morrice James in a report dated April 9,
> 1964, mentions the obsessional dislike
for India and the Hindus of
> many Pakistanis, which Ayub Khan now shares to the full. Altaf
> Gauhar found his attitude toward Bengalis highly patronizing, almost
> racist. In Friends Not Masters, Ayub mentions an important lesson he
> had learnt in school, that none should be judged by his locality,
> colour or vintage. He declares that it has been an article of faith
> for him that a man should be judged on merit!
>
>
> An elaborate rebuttal of Ayub's rabid observations is not necessary; a
> brief clarification, though, may not be out of place. Bengali has a
> long and rich literary tradition, and predates Urdu. In the early
> 1950's, the people of East Bengal comprised over 55% of Pakistan's
> population, and yet did not seek to impose Bengali on West Pakistan.
> They protested vigorously only when Urdu was sought to be imposed on
> them in 1952. To Muslims, the message of Islam is universal, and
> transcends the barriers of class, caste, race, language, national
> boundaries and even of time. It is thus absurd to seek a correlation
> between a good Muslim on the one hand, and the knowledge of Urdu on
> the other.
>
>
> In June 1964, Sir Morrice James described the Ayub regime as
> essentially a Punjab-Pathan autocracy seasoned with emigres from the
> UP. Three years later Sir Cyril Pickard reported that Ayub chooses
> to exercise a one-man rule. The 1962 Constitution provided for parity
> of representation in Parliament between East and West Pakistan, as did
> the Constitution of 1956. Ayub wholeheartedly believed in parity
> between the two wings, but not in its corollary, namely, parity
> between and among the constituent units of West Pakistan. Parity, in
> effect, served to further marginalise East Pakistan. Altaf Gauhar
> recalls telling Ayub that Bengalis had genuine grievances. Even what
> had been promised
under the Constitution had not been delivered. He
> gave the example of the federal legislature and its secretariat; these
> were to have been located in Dhaka, however, all legislative work
> continued to be done in Islamabad where the assembly staff was
> permanently lodged. The demand for provincial autonomy was the
> natural reaction. In a federal polity, autonomy is almost invariably a
> demand of the smaller or numerically weaker units, who feel the need
> for constitutional safeguards. Autonomy for provinces was part of
> Jinnah's 14 points in 1929. In Pakistan the demand came from the most
> populous province.
link:
https://defence.pk/pdf/threads/a-study-on-ayub-khan-based-on-his-memoirs.220365/