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Afghanistan under the knife

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Afghanistan under the Knife

By: John Feffer | Published: May 21, 2011


It was a primitive form of surgery. Almost ten years ago, the United States and its allies stuck a knife deep into Afghanistan in an attempt to remove two malignancies, Al-Qaeda and the Taliban. One of those, Osama bin Laden’s crew, is nearly gone. The Taliban, after going into remission for a brief period, has come back. The knife remains in the patient.

With bin Laden gone, the debate has intensified: what to do with the knife? The generals want to keep it in there. Remove the knife, they argue, and the patient will bleed out. Wrong, says the other side. The knife is doing more harm than good. Remove the knife immediately and the patient still has a chance of recovery.

If the initial surgery was primitive, then these post-operative choices are equally unsophisticated. But before turning to a more reasonable plan of care, let’s look more closely at the patient’s vital signs.
Approximately 100,000 US troops are currently in Afghanistan, alongside about 30,000 coalition forces. More than 1,400 US soldiers have died in the conflict, and thousands of Afghan civilians have died as well. Washington spends about $10 billion a month on the war. As a presidential candidate, Barack Obama argued for drawing down the war in Iraq and refocusing on the “good war” in Afghanistan. As president, he pushed for more troops in sooner and out sooner: the so-called surge. Obama pledged that the United States would start removing troops in July 2011, though Secretary of Defence Robert Gates almost immediately began suggesting that this was not a firm deadline.
Before the raid that killed bin Laden, the US government drew up a plan to withdraw 5,000 troops from Afghanistan in July and as many as 5,000 more by year’s end. After the raid, pressure has built to accelerate this timetable. A bipartisan group of lawmakers has sent a letter to the president calling “to withdraw all troops from Afghanistan that are not crucial to the immediate national security objective of combating Al-Qaeda.”

This is a popular position. Now, nearly half of all Americans—42 percent, according to a recent USA Today poll—think that we made a mistake invading Afghanistan. Mistake or not, a majority of Americans want out, and that includes 62 percent of those politically crucial independents.
Our allies are also preparing to bail. The Dutch pulled out last year. Canada is leaving this year. British Prime Minister David Cameron is now pushing for an early withdrawal of British troops. The Italian government and the German parliament are angling to complete withdrawal by 2014.

And the Afghans? It’s not easy to gauge public opinion in strife-torn countries. But according to a poll commissioned by The Washington Post and others published last December, more than half of all Afghans want US troops out, the sooner the better, and 77 percent of respondents trust the local police to protect them versus only 36 percent who put their faith in foreign troops. According to the Asia Foundation’s 2010 annual country report, 83 percent of Afghans support negotiations with and reintegration of armed opposition groups.

Our drone attacks in the tribal areas of Pakistan are creating the conditions of a potential failed state. As for the patient itself, Afghanistan remains poor, dependent on opium production, and divided by myriad internecine conflicts. Our counter-insurgency campaign has failed to win hearts and minds.

The costs of the war have been immense. The people of the United States, most NATO countries, and even Afghanistan no longer support the military intervention. And, with bin Laden dead and the number of his operatives in Afghanistan down to a hundred or so, the central military objective of neutralising Al-Qaeda has been accomplished.
Nurse, please sew up the patient and let’s move on. Resources are limited. But wait, the critics caution: the war in Afghanistan was never about Al-Qaeda. I was on the Diane Rehm Show last week, and journalist Jonathan Landay made a case for staying in Afghanistan to separate all the factions in the country’s civil war, serve as a check on the neighbouring countries that are jockeying for position, and ultimately prevent India and Pakistan from going to war. Pull out the knife, in other words, and not only with the patient bleed out but the infection will spread rapidly and destroy others.

Obviously it’s time for a consult. Once we take a step back to consider a range of options, the choice between pulling out the knife immediately and keeping it in indefinitely resembles the choice between a lobotomy and decapitation.

First of all, it is neither militarily nor politically feasible to remove all US troops tomorrow. And few make this argument. The recent bill introduced by John Garamendi (D-CA), for instance, proposed that the United States reduce our commitment by 90 percent by 2013. Most congressional efforts, including Howard Dean’s latest grassroots campaign, have focused on getting the president to provide a timetable for withdrawal.

Second, the withdrawal should be accompanied by a significant uptick in economic and political assistance. Compared with the amount of money lavished on destroying the country, the United States has provided only modest sums for its reconstruction. And, frankly, much of the latter was wasted, as administration officials concede. The US Agency for International Development has overhauled its programs, but more can be done to involve Afghans—rather than just non-native NGOs—in the rebuilding process.

Third, the administration has to be serious about political negotiations with the Taliban. Washington has reportedly accelerated its direct talks with the Taliban. But it has also conducted air strikes on precisely the layer of Taliban leadership most likely to respond to such overtures. We can’t continue to shoot now and talk later. There will never be a military solution to the Afghanistan war. Bring in the diplomats and empower them to make real deals.

Finally, Afghanistan is a regional problem, so the solution must be regional as well. We’re not going to keep Pakistan and India from each other’s throats with 100,000 US troops in Afghanistan. Our presence hasn’t prevented Iran and Tajikistan from pursuing their own national interests in the country either. We can only hope to restrain the efforts of neighbours to play out their conflicts on Afghan territory as part of a deal that constrains our military ambitions as well.

Now, let’s go back to the hospital. A patient comes into a doctor’s office with a knife in his chest.

“Doctor, what do you suggest?”

The doctor examines the wound.

“I could stick it in deeper,” he says.

“No, I don’t like that option,” the patient responds.

“Okay, I could take it out immediately and discharge you,” the doctor offers.

“Those are the only two choices?” The patient looks around. “Isn’t this a hospital? Can’t you pull out the knife in a way that minimises the pain, stanches the bleeding, reduces the risk of infection, and actually makes me better?”

The doctor looks around. “Ah, yes, we are in a hospital. I suppose I could pull together a team to come up with a better plan.”
Dr Obama: your patient is waiting.

John Feffer is the co-director of Foreign Policy in Focus at the Institute for Policy Studies and writes its regular World Beat column, where this article originally appeared.

The Nation | The Nation is the most credible of English Newspapers in Pakistan.
 
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Obama’s Afghanistan withdrawal: another sign of America's decline?


To the Taliban – and much of the world – the withdrawal is a sign of US weakness. The short-term benefits of abandoning counterinsurgency in Afghanistan may be politically appealing. But the long-term costs may be greater than Obama anticipates.
On Wednesday, President Obama announced he would order a gradual troop withdrawal from Afghanistan. On a superficial level there is nothing surprising about this decision. Mr. Obama is simply implementing what he had promised the American people in 2009 when he agreed to honor Gen. Stanley McChrystal’s request for more troops. The surge was always going to be temporary, especially in view of budgetary pressures caused by the financial crisis.

:::::

Withdrawal from Afghanistan: Three options weighed by the White House

Afghanistan war: The limits of targeting Taliban leaders
The Monitor's View:Obama speech on Afghanistan war: the missing moral victory

A second glance at the president’s speech reveals something more interesting, however. In between the lines, what he said amounts to the elimination of a key component in the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, and the elevation of a minor practice.

FIRST:

RELATED: Who will carry out Obama's Afghanistan exit plan? Three new guys.

The eliminated component is the counterinsurgency program that in practice is a euphemism for nation-building. The elevated one is the use of drones and targeted bombing of selected individuals and groups. This is a new counterterrorism strategy. It is sugarcoated in grand speeches such as those delivered by the president in Cairo two years ago, and it is not difficult to sell to Americans who are struggling with the weight of economic problems.

Counterinsurgency vs. counterterrorism

The difference between counterinsurgency and counterterrorism is profound. The latter means targeting Al Qaeda and affiliates while seeking to minimize harm to the civilian populations where they operate. The former was more ambitious: to rid Afghanistan of the Taliban as well as Al Qaeda and to build a strong government that would marginalize radical Islam.

From the onset it was clear that killing Al Qaeda members was relatively easy and, thanks to drone technology, inexpensive in terms of American life. It was the nation-building aspect of counterinsurgency that was more controversial at home and more difficult to effect. The generals and military advisers of the previous and current administrations made it clear that counterinsurgency would only succeed if the military were given enough men, resources, and time.

Obama’s message to Gen. David Petraeus was clear: Time is up. Ten years, a trillion dollars, and 1,600 American casualties later, the White House is essentially abandoning the attempt to build law and order in Afghanistan.

When liberals began loving bombs

The political response to the speech was remarkable. It used to be that Democrats were more squeamish about the use of bombs of any kind. Liberals in America have tended to prefer soft power, and when hard power becomes inevitable, they insist that a United Nations or NATO force lead the way, as in Libya, all the time pressing for a minimum of civilian casualties. Imagine how these same liberals would have reacted three years ago if it had been President George W. Bush who had been ordering a campaign of targeted assassinations – not to mention overriding legal advice on the decision to launch air strikes against the Libyan government.

The strident calls from some Republicans, including several seeking the party’s nomination to run for president, to cut overseas troop levels even faster are notable because they suggest there is now a bipartisan consensus. But what is this consensus on and how strong is it? There appears to be a general agreement on the high cost of the war, the prevailing importance of domestic issues – above all the economy – and the need for Afghans to take responsibility for their destiny as soon as possible.

Does US roar then retreat?

By quietly conceding to Obama’s decision to expand the use of drones, liberals seem to have accepted the basic assumptions of Mr. Bush that terrorists are enemy combatants and that the US is at war. Try explaining to a Yemeni, Somali, or Afghan survivor of a drone attack that America is not at war with Islam and means well. Many in the US and around the world wonder if Obama’s speech – and the broad bipartisan support for it – is yet another sign of America’s decline. American power and weakness is often a matter of perception.

RELATED: Taliban tunnel: Five militant escapes under US watch

From the Taliban’s perspective, the withdrawal is a sign of US weakness and their impending victory. Not only the Taliban will see it this way: Iran and Syria’s regimes and the malignant units in the Pakistani military and secret service see a weak America that roars but retreats when the going gets tough. The short-term benefits of abandoning counterinsurgency may be politically appealing. The long-term costs may be greater than Obama anticipates.

Ayaan Hirsi Ali, author of “Infidel” and “Nomad,” is a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

© 2011 Global Viewpoint Network/Tribune Media Services. Hosted online by The Christian Science Monitor.

Obama
 
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The West is expecting Afghanistan to descend into civil war after NATO troops leave, according to secret military documents.

Although governments say publicly that they hope to stabilise the war-torn country's democracy, the leaked memos suggest that they are preparing for the worst.

Intelligence documents drawn up by the U.S. and German military state: 'When the ISAF troops leave the country, there will be civil war.'

The documents, published by Bild, Germany's biggest newspaper, come at a time when western politicians are trying to prepare Afghanistan for a withdrawal of NATO troops in 2014.

They predict that when western soldiers have left, insurgent leaders based in Pakistan 'will return to Afghanistan', and in the vacuum left behind by NATO forces a bloodbath will ensue.

Bild also claimed that the documents contain 'indications' that the Afghanistan intelligence service had take part in attacks on German soldiers and that German weapons had been found in the hands of Taliban guerillas.

Barack Obama has pledged that U.S. soldiers will be out of the country by 2014, and while some NATO troops will remain to train and advise Afghan security forces there will not be enough to combat a resurgent Taliban.
The Bild revelations are the first time that such high-level doubts about the future of the country have been aired - but there is little appetite for continuing conflict among the cash-strapped governments of the West.

History would suggest that a civil war is likely to follow a withdrawal of foreign troops. When the Soviet Union pulled out and the Moscow-led puppet government collapsed, the country descended into chaos and bloodshed.

Out of it came the Taliban and the training camps of Al-Qaeda which nurtured the 9/11 attackers.

A conference takes place in Bonn next Monday to 'solidify together with Afghanistan the long-term engagement of the international community and to advance the political process in the country.' This is diplomatic code for military withdrawal.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel is among western leaders who believes that only dialogue with the Taliban can prevent disaster overtaking the country when the west pills out.
But the Taliban are biding their time and stockpiling their weapons, confident that they can overrun the Karzai government in Kabul as soon as his protectors are gone.


Read more: Afghanistan 'will collapse into civil war when western troops fall out' | Mail Online


Read more: Afghanistan 'will collapse into civil war when western troops fall out' | Mail Online
Read more: Afghanistan 'will collapse into civil war when western troops fall out' | Mail Online
 
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IMO, Afghanistan can collapse once there transit with bharat is blocked.

I hope after the departure of ghadari either Afghanis and bhartis pay for transit or find another route.
 
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Come on guys....1st save your nation being attacked and humiliated by USA/Taliban.. ...then think about Afganistan...Indian will take care of its own intrests...
 
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IMO, Afghanistan can collapse once there transit with bharat is blocked.

I hope after the departure of ghadari either Afghanis and bhartis pay for transit or find another route.

As long as Iran is there, India don't need to care. :azn:
 
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i think that will be good day for Pakistan
 
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afghanistan going into civil war will have adverse effect on pakistan. Refuge problems, heightened security, spread of extremism etc will plague pakistan
 
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i think that will be good day for Pakistan

why ? are we human eaters? damn what is the benefit of pakistan when afghans kill each other? it was not pakistan but afghan themselves are enemy of each others even before pakistan exists .it was pakistan who start noor mohmad - dawood - najeebullah - zahershah - bacha saka - times whole mess? its afghan nature they believe in power guns big tribe and never follow gov of kabul . you know nothing abut afghans eat fish with daal and sleep :tdown:

---------- Post added at 07:59 PM ---------- Previous post was at 07:58 PM ----------

for the sake of Afghan people, I hope not. They've seen way more than their fair share of misery.

me too lets have some hopes of peace damn afghan land is washed with blood already many times its enough .
 
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Best way to prevent a civil war in Afghanistan is to partition Afghanistan. The Eastern parts of Afghanistan can go to Pakistan and the Western parts of Afghanistan can go to Iran.
 
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Best way to prevent a civil war in Afghanistan is to partition Afghanistan. The Eastern parts of Afghanistan can go to Pakistan and the Western parts of Afghanistan can go to Iran.

Thats not a bad idea.

As long as you can guarantee that no Al Qaeda return to that area. I don't care what happens to Afghanistan.

Taliban have never launched global terrorist attacks. Seperate Al Qaeda form Taliban, and I dont care what happens in Afghanistan.
 
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If what is going on in Afghanistan not a civil war what is?
 
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Best way to prevent a civil war in Afghanistan is to partition Afghanistan. The Eastern parts of Afghanistan can go to Pakistan and the Western parts of Afghanistan can go to Iran.

Roara daghae geyday ba sok marae, da Pakistan prize bond ba rouzey..

The problem with Afghanistan is illiterates in power and the main contention is power, reminds me those klingons from star trek, these people never learn or want understand, half of afghanistan is already in civil war regardless of any Party comes into power other parties will try to over run and destabilize.
 
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