• Wednesday, August 12, 2020

One year after special status ended, Kashmiris have disappeared from government in J&K

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    It has reinforced a common belief in the Valley: the August 5 decisions were aimed at robbing Kashmiri Muslims of economic and political rights.

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    A traditional turban is tied for GC Murmu (left), the lieutenant governor of Jammu and Kashmir, as advisor Farooq Khan looks on.

    On April 2, a photograph from an official meeting of the Jammu and Kashmir administration created a buzz on social media in the Kashmir Valley. At first glance, the picture appeared unremarkable. It showed Jammu and Kashmir Lieutenant Governor GC Murmu holding a meeting with a battery of bureaucrats.

    Social media users in the Valley were quick to point out that, out of the 19 men in the photograph, there was only one Kashmiri Muslim – Farooq Ahmad Lone, a former Indian Administrative Service officer from the Valley.

    “Islam is the major religion practiced in Kashmir, with 97.00% of the region’s population identifying as Muslims and among them just Farooq Lone sb is standing alone in decision making with regard to highly Muslim populated Jammu and Kashmir as I could see,” said a Facebook user from Kashmir.

    The picture cut to the heart of the anxiety that has gripped the Valley ever since August 5, 2019, when the Centre stripped Jammu and Kashmir of special status and split the former state into two Union Territories amid the severest lockdown the region has ever seen. Parliament also repealed Article 35A, which had empowered the government of the former state to define “permanent residents” of Jammu and Kashmir and reserve for them specific rights, such as the right to own land and hold government jobs, in the state.

    The common refrain among Kashmiris in the aftermath of the decision was this: the move was aimed at introducing demographic change to the predominantly Muslim Kashmir Valley, robbing its inhabitants of economic and political rights.

    The legislative assembly of the former state, now disbanded, had traditionally been dominated by the Muslim-majority Valley. With the August 5 decisions, Valley residents feared the “comeback of Dogra rule”, referring to the unpopular Hindu kings of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, which existed before 1947. In other words, they feared a government and administration that did not represent the Kashmiri Muslim majority of the region.

    It was not just the picture that triggered these fears.

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    The picture of the administrative meeting that went viral on social media.

    Vanishing Kashmiris
    “In civil bureaucracy, police and judiciary, Muslims in Kashmir feel nowhere,” said Ghulam Hassan Mir, a former minister in the state and now a member of the newly floated Jammu and Kashmir Apni Party, in a recent interview. “They are being sidelined and there is complete imbalance in the system. Kashmiris are found nowhere and even in the civil secretariat, which is the seat of power, the dejected Kashmiri officers are feeling detached.”

    This marginalisation may not have started last year. Two former ministers who had served in the governments of the former state said that Delhi had always intervened in crucial appointments. A former cabinet minister who served in the People’s Democratic Party-Bharatiya Janata Party coalition government traces the marginalisation of Kashmiri officers back to 1989, when militancy spread rapidly across the Valley.

    “It has been like this since 1989,” said the minister, who was among the many Kashmiri politicians arrested just before August 5. “Most of the key posts in the administration and police were held by non-local bureaucrats and officers on Delhi’s bidding. But state governments did act as a bit of buffer in such a scenario because there was accountability before the people. Tomorrow, they would have to go to people for votes.”

    That has changed dramatically since the state assembly was dissolved, said another former cabinet minister. “The bureaucrats leading this administration don’t even want to stay in Kashmir,” he said. “Either they stay in their fortified official accommodations or they prefer to spend their week days in Jammu or Delhi. There’s no connection with the public.”

    The change in leadership starts from the top. For years, the state had coalition governments led by a Kashmir-based party and a Kashmiri chief minister. The coalition partner was usually a national party, which won most of its votes from Jammu. But after the PDP-BJP government fell in June 2018, Kashmiri Muslims have had a waning presence in government.

    Since the BJP walked out of the coalition in 2018, Jammu and Kashmir has been governed directly by the Centre, first through the governor and then, after it became a Union Territory, through the lieutenant governor. Both acted in consultation with an advisory council. In these two years, only one Kashmiri bureaucrat has been part of the council – Khurshid Ahmad Ganai, a retired Indian Administrative Service officer. His term ended on October 31, 2019, the day Jammu and Kashmir officially lost statehood.

    Since then, Kashmiris have disappeared from the core unit of the administration altogether. While the administration is closely controlled by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs – most important policy decisions have been announced by it – the lieutenant governor and his four advisors are now the face of government in Jammu and Kashmir. Each advisor has the powers of a minister, supervising different departments instead of holding portfolios. Three of the advisors are from Jammu. The fourth is from Uttar Pradesh. None of them is from the Kashmir Valley.

    [​IMG]
    Lieutenant Governor GC Murmu and his four advisors. From left to right: Murmu, Kewal Kumar Sharma, Rajiv Rai Bhatnagar, Farooq Khan, Basir Ahmad Khan.

    Faces of the Union Territory administration
    GC Murmu, a 1985-batch Indian Administrative Service officer of the Gujarat cadre, served as principal secretary to Narendra Modi during his tenure as chief minister of Gujarat and later as expenditure secretary at the Centre. Back in 2004, he had also faced allegations that he “tutored” witnesses who appeared before the Nanavati Commission, set up to look into the 2002 Gujarat riots. The allegations were dismissed by the Supreme Court-appointed special investigation team. Murmu was appointed lieutenant governor on October 31.

    Kewal Kumar Sharma, on the governor’s advisory council since 2018, continued with Murmu. A retired Indian Administrative Service officer from Jammu division’s Kathua district, he has been chief secretary of Delhi and Goa as well as advisor to the administrator of Chandigarh. He was also secretary in the Union human resources ministry in 2016. At present, Sharma supervises a wide range of departments – from revenue, planning development and industries to education and horticulture.

    Also continuing from the 2018 advisory council is Farooq Khan, a former Indian Police Service officer from Jammu. After he retired from the police, Khan had joined the BJP at a public rally held by Modi in Kathua during the run up to the Lok Sabha elections of 2014. He is the grandson of Peer Mohammad Khan, the first state president of the Jammu and Kashmir Jana Sangh.

    Farooq Khan was instrumental in establishing the Jammu and Kashmir Police’s counterinsurgency wing, now known as the special operations group, during the peak of the militancy in the early 1990s. But his career was attended by controversy. In 2000, when five men were killed in an alleged fake encounter in Pathribal in Anantnag district, he was the senior superintendent in charge. In April 2003, he was suspended by the state government for two and a half years. In September 2005, he was exonerated by the Central Bureau of Investigation.

    At present, Farooq Khan handles food, civil supplies and consumer affairs, social welfare, tribal affairs, labour and employment, youth services and sports, among other departments.



    The only person from outside Jammu and Kashmir to be part of the advisory council is Rajeev Rai Bhatnagar, who retired as director general of the Central Reserve Police Force. Bhatnagar is in charge of health and medical education, public works, irrigation and flood control, transport and animal husbandry in the union territory administration.

    The most recent entrant to the advisory council is Baseer Ahmad Khan, appointed in March. This was soon after the Jammu and Kashmir High Court had expressed concern about the “inordinate delay” in framing charges in the Gulmarg land scam. Khan is one of the accused.

    Baseer Khan was due to retire from the Indian Administrative Service on June 30, 2019. But as the government secretly geared up for sweeping changes to the state, it gave him a one-year extension, calling it a “special case”. When Jammu and Kashmir lost statehood, he was divisional commissioner of Kashmir. As advisor, Khan handles power development, rural development & panchayati raj, disaster management, culture, tourism and floriculture.

    Also aiding the council is chief secretary BVR Subrahmanyam, a 1987-batch IAS officer of the Chhattisgarh cadre. He hails from Andhra Pradesh.

    The chain of command
    Kashmiri officers have vanished further down the chain of command as well. There were 58 Indian Administrative Officers in the state cadre of the former state of Jammu and Kashmir – the cadre has now been merged into the Arunachal Pradesh-Goa-Mizoram-Union Territories cadre. Of those 58, only seven were Kashmiri Muslim. That included Shah Faesal, the star bureaucrat who went on to form his own political party. After August 5, he was among the scores of political leaders detained under the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act, a preventive detention law. He remains under house arrest.

    Key departments like home, finance, health, environment are headed by officers from outside Jammu and Kashmir. The only officer from the Kashmir Valley running an important department is Asgar Hassan Samoon, principal secretary for school education.

    While Jammu division is headed by Sanjeev Verma, a local resident, Kashmir’s divisional commissioner, Pandurang Kondbarao Pole, hails from Maharashtra. In the 10 districts of the Valley, only four district commissioners are Kashmiri.

    Meanwhile, the Jammu and Kashmir Police force is headed by Dilbag Singh from Punjab. Mukesh Singh from Delhi heads the police in the Jammu division and Vijay Kumar from Bihar is the inspector general of Kashmir. None of the five deputy inspector generals is from Kashmir. In the 13 police districts of the Kashmir Valley, only two are under the charge of Kashmiri superintendents.

    Kashmiri judges are a minority in the Jammu and Kashmir High Court, too. Of the 11 sitting judges, only two are Kashmiri Muslim while two are Kashmiri Pandit.

    A logjam
    The August 5 decision also brought about a crucial change in the bureaucratic structure. While Jammu and Kashmir had special status, only 50% of its All India Service officers were direct recruits chosen through examinations held by the Union Public Service Commission. The other came from Kashmir service officers who were promoted into All India Services. In other states, 67% of the officers are direct recruits while only 33% are officers inducted from the state services. When Jammu and Kashmir lost special status, it also became subject to the 67:33 rule.

    Central changes apart, internal wrangles have meant promotions are stalled in both the Kashmir Police Service and the Kashmir Administrative Service.

    “You can blame the failure to induct local KPS officers into the Indian Police Service on three reasons,” said a senior police officer in the Valley, speaking off the record. “The seniority disputes between officers, litigation and the failure of state governments in the past. There’s no word on when it’s going to happen.”

    Since 2009, no Kashmir Police Service officer has been promoted into the Indian Police Service. At present, all 66 Indian Police Services officers in the Jammu and Kashmir cadre are those who were recruited directly through examinations held by the Union Public Service Commission. The total strength of the Jammu and Kashmir Police’s IPS cadre is 147, out of which 80 posts are for direct recruits and 67 slots are reserved for those promoted from the state service. A majority of the posts now lie vacant.

    There is a similar logjam with inductions from the Kashmir Administrative Service into the Indian Administrative Service. “There has been no induction into the IAS for more than 10-11 years because of the dispute over the seniority list of the 1999 KAS batch,” said a Kashmir Administrative Service officer who did not want to be named. “There have been petitions, counter petitions and all those discussions but so far the logjam hasn’t been broken.”

    Had the dispute been solved in time, the officer calculated, 50 to 55 Kashmir Administrative Service officers would have been inducted into the Central service over the last decade.

    A poor track record
    Even within the state services, observers have noted that recruitments have been skewed against Kashmiris for years. Historian and former civil servant Khalid Bashir Ahmad notes that between 1995 and 2014, over 65% of the state services were made up of recruits from Jammu and about 32.7% by recruits from Kashmir. This despite the Kashmir division being the most populous region of the former state.

    As for Kashmiri representation in the police, Ahmad traces a long history of marginalisation that goes back to Dogra times. “During the last 102 years for which record is available, out of 34 police chiefs in the Muslim majority Jammu and Kashmir, only 2 were Muslims,” he writes. “In Ghulam Jeelani Pandit, the state had its last Muslim police chief as back as in 1989.”

    The former minister who was imprisoned after August 5 was unsurprised by this track record. “This is nothing new,” he shrugged. “But what’s happening now is the culmination of ultimate design of Hindutva which is the decimation of Kashmiri Muslims.”

    This is the first part in a special series on the legacy of the sweeping changes made by the Modi government to the status of Jammu and Kashmir on August 5, 2019. Read the full series here.

    Support our journalism by subscribing to Scroll+. We welcome your comments at letters@scroll.in.

    Related

    [​IMG]


    The only person from outside Jammu and Kashmir to be part of the advisory council is Rajeev Rai Bhatnagar, who retired as director general of the Central Reserve Police Force. Bhatnagar is in charge of health and medical education, public works, irrigation and flood control, transport and animal husbandry in the union territory administration.

    The most recent entrant to the advisory council is Baseer Ahmad Khan, appointed in March. This was soon after the Jammu and Kashmir High Court had expressed concern about the “inordinate delay” in framing charges in the Gulmarg land scam. Khan is one of the accused.

    Baseer Khan was due to retire from the Indian Administrative Service on June 30, 2019. But as the government secretly geared up for sweeping changes to the state, it gave him a one-year extension, calling it a “special case”. When Jammu and Kashmir lost statehood, he was divisional commissioner of Kashmir. As advisor, Khan handles power development, rural development & panchayati raj, disaster management, culture, tourism and floriculture.

    Also aiding the council is chief secretary BVR Subrahmanyam, a 1987-batch IAS officer of the Chhattisgarh cadre. He hails from Andhra Pradesh.

    The chain of command
    Kashmiri officers have vanished further down the chain of command as well. There were 58 Indian Administrative Officers in the state cadre of the former state of Jammu and Kashmir – the cadre has now been merged into the Arunachal Pradesh-Goa-Mizoram-Union Territories cadre. Of those 58, only seven were Kashmiri Muslim. That included Shah Faesal, the star bureaucrat who went on to form his own political party. After August 5, he was among the scores of political leaders detained under the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act, a preventive detention law. He remains under house arrest.

    Key departments like home, finance, health, environment are headed by officers from outside Jammu and Kashmir. The only officer from the Kashmir Valley running an important department is Asgar Hassan Samoon, principal secretary for school education.

    While Jammu division is headed by Sanjeev Verma, a local resident, Kashmir’s divisional commissioner, Pandurang Kondbarao Pole, hails from Maharashtra. In the 10 districts of the Valley, only four district commissioners are Kashmiri.

    Meanwhile, the Jammu and Kashmir Police force is headed by Dilbag Singh from Punjab. Mukesh Singh from Delhi heads the police in the Jammu division and Vijay Kumar from Bihar is the inspector general of Kashmir. None of the five deputy inspector generals is from Kashmir. In the 13 police districts of the Kashmir Valley, only two are under the charge of Kashmiri superintendents.

    Kashmiri judges are a minority in the Jammu and Kashmir High Court, too. Of the 11 sitting judges, only two are Kashmiri Muslim while two are Kashmiri Pandit.

    A logjam
    The August 5 decision also brought about a crucial change in the bureaucratic structure. While Jammu and Kashmir had special status, only 50% of its All India Service officers were direct recruits chosen through examinations held by the Union Public Service Commission. The other came from Kashmir service officers who were promoted into All India Services. In other states, 67% of the officers are direct recruits while only 33% are officers inducted from the state services. When Jammu and Kashmir lost special status, it also became subject to the 67:33 rule.

    Central changes apart, internal wrangles have meant promotions are stalled in both the Kashmir Police Service and the Kashmir Administrative Service.

    “You can blame the failure to induct local KPS officers into the Indian Police Service on three reasons,” said a senior police officer in the Valley, speaking off the record. “The seniority disputes between officers, litigation and the failure of state governments in the past. There’s no word on when it’s going to happen.”

    Since 2009, no Kashmir Police Service officer has been promoted into the Indian Police Service. At present, all 66 Indian Police Services officers in the Jammu and Kashmir cadre are those who were recruited directly through examinations held by the Union Public Service Commission. The total strength of the Jammu and Kashmir Police’s IPS cadre is 147, out of which 80 posts are for direct recruits and 67 slots are reserved for those promoted from the state service. A majority of the posts now lie vacant.

    There is a similar logjam with inductions from the Kashmir Administrative Service into the Indian Administrative Service. “There has been no induction into the IAS for more than 10-11 years because of the dispute over the seniority list of the 1999 KAS batch,” said a Kashmir Administrative Service officer who did not want to be named. “There have been petitions, counter petitions and all those discussions but so far the logjam hasn’t been broken.”

    Had the dispute been solved in time, the officer calculated, 50 to 55 Kashmir Administrative Service officers would have been inducted into the Central service over the last decade.

    A poor track record
    Even within the state services, observers have noted that recruitments have been skewed against Kashmiris for years. Historian and former civil servant Khalid Bashir Ahmad notes that between 1995 and 2014, over 65% of the state services were made up of recruits from Jammu and about 32.7% by recruits from Kashmir. This despite the Kashmir division being the most populous region of the former state.

    As for Kashmiri representation in the police, Ahmad traces a long history of marginalisation that goes back to Dogra times. “During the last 102 years for which record is available, out of 34 police chiefs in the Muslim majority Jammu and Kashmir, only 2 were Muslims,” he writes. “In Ghulam Jeelani Pandit, the state had its last Muslim police chief as back as in 1989.”

    The former minister who was imprisoned after August 5 was unsurprised by this track record. “This is nothing new,” he shrugged. “But what’s happening now is the culmination of ultimate design of Hindutva which is the decimation of Kashmiri Muslims.”

    This is the first part in a special series on the legacy of the sweeping changes made by the Modi government to the status of Jammu and Kashmir on August 5, 2019. Read the full series here.

    Support our journalism by subscribing to Scroll+. We welcome your comments at letters@scroll.in.



    https://scroll.in/article/968571/on...miris-have-disappeared-from-government-in-j-k



     
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  2. -=virus=-

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  3. 313ghazi

    313ghazi SENIOR MEMBER

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    Good work by India. Soon Kashmiris themselves will be replaced by Indians. Its do or die time in Kashmir. No more Fence sitting by the middle classes.
     
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  4. darksider

    darksider FULL MEMBER

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    nothing to surprise.this was the main goal of the removal of the article.change the demographics of Kashmir.
     
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  5. -=virus=-

    -=virus=- BANNED

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    No, we love Kashmir.

    On the 5th of August of last year, mother India embraced her problem child and accepted Kashmir into her family. There will now be a reign of peace, unity, integration and brotherhood among all the children of mother India. Kashmiris have finally been granted all the rights accorded to every citizen of India.

    We will follow the progressive European model.

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    peace and brotherhood, just like advanced Europe.

    Kashmir is headed in the right direction.

    G.C.Murmu Ji will lead the way by settling his family.

    [​IMG]
     
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  6. masterchief_mirza

    masterchief_mirza SENIOR MEMBER

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    Yours is an arrogant nation, with misguided and warped ideologies on what true human progress actually means. You're confusing very simplistic hindutva fascist nation building with progressive democracy and secularism. The latter philosophies do not set out to dilute native cultures and their expressions.

    This episode is nothing unexpected though. Hindustan has played its last card and you will live to see Pakistan's reaction.

    Removal of j&k's autonomy and unique heritage was a plan conceived in 1947, not 2019. This is an old game that your jackal politicians have been playing. Dilution of Kashmir's native population among a sea of non-Kashmiris does not constitute progression towards European style multiculturalism, nor is it a manifestation of democracy. It is simple erosion of a native culture, ethnicity, religion and way of life to satisfy sanghee wet dreams. What has happened to the Muslim populations of Jammu, Hyderabad, Mumbai and elsewhere will become (or at least, it is your stated desire that this is the case) of Kashmir. Delhi only ever had one goal.

    The bigger picture here is that this is what historical inferiority complexes do to Indians. Kashmiri policy is the latest manifestation of a relentless fascist obsession. You become obsessed with reversing history and forcing a false narrative of Hindu victory over Muslim groups merely to purge your own historical demons and cure your perpetual PTSD. A million armed soldiers to pacify unarmed, government-less and besieged Kashmir doesn't really achieve this though. We've seen what happens to your miserable Indian armed forces every time they try to engage a local rival in a somewhat fair fight. We've lived through such realities two years in a row. Meanwhile, Bollywood fuels wild beliefs that India under hindutva can somehow reverse millennia of subjugation and military defeat. The reality - far removed from Bollywood jingoism - relies purely on overwhelming force of numbers and nothing more to achieve hindutva's objectives. That such a pathetic defining polity is propped up by salivating western deep states is purely a function of happenstance, a by-product of an age old war against China overlapping with an age old war against Islam. Hindustan is simply in the right place at the right time and can offer the right amount of irrelevant low quality cannon fodder to push this objective forwards.

    The real rivals fighting it out here are Anglo-America and China and the Islamic world as a political construct (I.e. not in a religious sense). India is supposed to be a pawn in this game, and is behaving exactly like one.
     
  7. -=virus=-

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    We are a secular democracy with extreme elements on all fringes. India is home to many unique native cultures, such as Punjabi, Keralite, Bengali, Tamil, UP, Bihari, Odiya, Kannada.. all remain culturally unique and are equal part of the union. All citizens finally have equal rights in India, including Kashmiris now.

    Kashmir is our atoot ang, their culture is not going anywhere. Kashmiris also live and work in all parts of India.

    No need for threats, please.

    .

    That is exactly what American racists say about the Hart–Celler Act which abolished the racist National origins formula.

    Go to Mumbai and Hyderabad etc and see for yourself.. the Muslims are doing just fine, everything is ok.

    Delhi/center's goal is to keep India safe and to prosper and advance, Kashmiris are very much part of this plan. They will prosper and advance with the rest of India, no longer shackled to ill-conceived chains of the past which did them no good but only hurt them.

    No sir, you have it all wrong.

    Not many are bothered about the Islamic rule in India in the past, why should we be ?

    or

    We are bothered about the Islamic past just as much as the average Pakistani is bothered about their ancestors being Hindus. Does it anger you thinking of that ancient history ? I hope not..

    We are two different nations charting our own paths. Don't worry about Indian Kashmir.

    The "million" Indian soldiers are there to protect the motherland against the nefarious designs of the Pakistani establishment in and for the region, and to quickly and efficiently neutralize all separatist threats.

    One can not really separate the political construct from the religious one, or indeed the societal one when talking about Islam. It is a complete system that incorporates all three and more.

    You understand this better than most, stop pulling wool over our eyes already, we know how it works.

    India is no pawn to anyone, but we will make alliances where it suits us, and not stab them in the back.

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  8. masterchief_mirza

    masterchief_mirza SENIOR MEMBER

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    This is not the definition of democracy or secularism or even progressive politics.

    Autonomous regions and devolved governments have always existed in "democratic unions". Look no further than your former colonial masters in Britain. See how they handled the NI peace process by way of such documented concessions and guarantees of autonomy as enshrined in the Good Friday agreement. By selectively homogenising Muslim regions, you are not engaging in democratic process or secularism or anything of the like. You're deceiving yourself if you think you are. Educate yourself on what more advanced nations than yours do in such scenarios. Or alternatively, don't, and continue to attempt to force a Borg like assimilation. See how that works out for you, but don't pretend it is some magical democratic secular process - you're not really fooling anyone.
     
  9. masterchief_mirza

    masterchief_mirza SENIOR MEMBER

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    Thanks for the laughs.
     
  10. Vikram1

    Vikram1 BANNED

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    So how long poor Kashmiri need to wait till your forces feel guts to fight for J&K cause proxy through Islamic Jihad is not working there.
    Please let us know as well.
     
  11. Vikram1

    Vikram1 BANNED

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    Your master? Only because of these colonial masters of yours, you got your separate country.
     
  12. -=virus=-

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    There will be no 'borg like' assimilation. Nobody in their right mind wants to live in a troubled region like the valley now, no opportunities there anywhere apart from the obvious security risks.

    So a big business investment alongside a government infra push first.

    You must also understand that Kashmiris, a lot of them, live and work all over India. in fact, people from all different parts of India live and work, run businesses, or are in some government job and get transferred all over the place. Some are in the forces and have achieved great things, like our hero, Mr Rather.. who's existence many Pakistanis here just can't digest and have been working overtime trolling and denigrating... shameful.

    If a Kashmiri can land a techie job in Banglore or manage a high end hotel in Mumbai or a doctor job in Delhi.. the rest of the Indians should be allowed to live and work in Kashmir too.

    Most people I know no longer live in their home towns, even if they were from the big cities to begin with.

    Kashmir is just another part of India. The separatism will be crushed, it will be developed, the Kashmiri people will lead better lives. Sometime in the future, Indians from all parts will start moving, buying properties, starting businesses there just like they do in the rest of the country.

    India is on the right track and doing the right thing, left wingers can't stop it :D and Pakistan can not stop it.

    You should wish us well in achieving our goals if you truly care for Kashmiris.
     
    Last edited: Aug 1, 2020
  13. masterchief_mirza

    masterchief_mirza SENIOR MEMBER

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    Riggggghhhhht, because India existed before 1947 I suppose?
     
  14. King Julien

    King Julien FULL MEMBER

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    People having holier than thou attitude should also talk about massacre of Kashmiri Hindus & consider population of Jammu & Ladakh too

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  15. masterchief_mirza

    masterchief_mirza SENIOR MEMBER

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    Don't be so triggered mate. "Borg-like" assimilation is precisely what you're advocating for Kashmir and its people. Their ideologies, culture and way of life should be abrogated, nullified and homogenised to integrate this "problem child" with the rest of your "family". Autonomy was something many Kashmiris actually accepted. But of course, in your infinite wisdom from the sacred repositories of millennia old Indian knowledge, you knew that autonomy contravenes fundamental democratic and secular principles, hence must be abolished wholesale.

    Or is it in fact only Muslim majority states that need assimilation like this? Perhaps other states CAN have certain special rights and privileges to stop outsiders settling?

    https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.th...s-law-on-land-rights/article30368429.ece/amp/

    And so, a five second Google search puts an end to your magical democracy and equal playing field for all theory behind the abrogation of Kashmir's special status.

    So do clarify, if it's not to ensure equality for all, why have Kashmir's priveleges been scrapped in particular? Clearly, there is not such an approach in states where Muslims aren't a majority.