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Mujib's rule of Bangladesh 1972-1975

kalu_miah

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http://www.defence.pk/forums/bangladesh-defence/49936-bangladesh-going-back-1972-75-era.html

The above is the only thread I found about Mujib rule era in Bangladesh. In this thread we want to focus different aspects of Mujib's rule of Bangladesh till his death.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Governing Bangladesh

Mujibur Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister, heading all organs of government and decision-making. In doing so, he dismissed Tajuddin Ahmad following a controversial intra-party power struggle that had occurred during Mujib's incarceration.[citation needed] The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional parliament of the new state. The Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army to which Indian forces transferred control on March 17.[8] Mujib described the fallout of the war as the "biggest human disaster in the world," claiming the deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of more than 200,000 women. The government faced serious challenges, which including the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, organising the supply of food, health aids and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the state's economy had immensely deteriorated by the conflict.[citation needed] There was also violence against non-Bengalis and groups who were believed to have assisted the Pakistani forces. By the end of the year, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated to Pakistan; and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps.[citation needed]

After Bangladesh achieved recognition from major countries, Mujib helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement.[citation needed] He travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation.[8] He signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance and began training Bangladesh's security forces and government personnel.[18] Mujib forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi,[19] strongly praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India. But the Indian government did not remain in close cooperation with Bangladesh during Mujib's lifetime.[19]

He charged the provisional parliament to write a new constitution, and proclaimed the four fundamental principles of "nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialism," which would come to be known as "Mujibism."[19] Mujib nationalised hundreds of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital and initiated land reform aimed at helping millions of poor farmers.[20] Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees. The economy began recovering and a famine was prevented.[21] A constitution was proclaimed in 1973 and elections were held, which resulted in Mujib and his party gaining power with an absolute majority.[3] He further outlined state programmes to expand primary education, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country. A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.[22]

Although the state was committed to secularism, Mujib soon began moving closer to political Islam through state policies as well as personal conduct.[23] He revived the Islamic Academy (which had been banned in 1972 for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces) and banned the production and sale of alcohol and banned the practice of gambling, which had been one of the major demands of Islamic groups.[23] Mujib sought Bangladesh's membership in the Organisation of the Islamic Conference and the Islamic Development Bank and made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to attend the OIC summit, which helped repair relations with Pakistan to an extent.[23] In his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased usage of Islamic greetings, slogans and references to Islamic ideologies. In his final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark "Joy Bangla" salutation for "Khuda Hafez" preferred by religious Muslims. He also declared a common amnesty to the suspected war criminals in some conditions to get the support of far right groups as the communists were not happy with Mujib's regime. He declared, " I believe that the brokers, who assisted the Pakistanis during the liberation war has realized their faults. I hope they will involve themselves in the development of the country forgetting all their misdeeds. Those who were arrested and jailed in the Collaborator act should be freed before the 16 December 1974.".[23]

In 1974, Bangladesh experienced the deadliest famine ever, which killed around 1.5 million Bangladeshi people from hunger. The Bangladesh famine of 1974 is a major source of discontent against Mujib's government. Bangladeshi people feel ashamed, insulted and demoralised as a nation for this famine that was not due to a food crisis but, according to Amartya Sen, but due instead to the lack of governance and democratic practices.

BAKSAL

Mujib's government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and unrest. His programmes of nationalisation and industrial socialism suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant corruption and poor leadership.[20] Mujib focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The party and central government exercised full control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections organised at the grass roots or local levels.[24] Political opposition included communists as well as Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state. Mujib was criticized for nepotism in appointing family members to important positions.[19] A famine in 1974 further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture — the mainstay of the economy.[3] Intense criticism of Mujib arose over lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, and rising inflation amidst heavy losses suffered by the nationalised industries. Mujib's ambitious social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources, funds and personnel, and caused unrest amongst the masses.[20] BAKSAL was protested by different groups but they were punished by Mujibur Rahman. It was known that Mujibur Rahman never accepted any criticism against him. Mujib was widely accused for the responsible of 40000 killings by his Rakkhi Bahini.[25]

The 1974 famine had personally shocked Mujib and profoundly affected his views on governance,[26] while political unrest gave rise to increasing violence. During the famine, 70000 people were reported as dead.[25] In response, he began increasing his powers. On January 25, 1975 Mujib declared a state of emergency and his political supporters approved a constitutional amendment banning all opposition political parties. Mujib assumed the presidency and was given extraordinary powers.[19][27] His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalised political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials—BAKSAL.[3] The party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers and labourers and took control of government machinery. It also launched major socialist programmes. Using government forces and a militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini, Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of political activities across the country. Members of Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini were granted immunity from prosecution and other legal proceedings.[27][28] The militia known as RakhiBahini and police were accused of torturing suspects and political killings. While retaining support from many segments of the population, Mujib evoked anger amongst veterans of the liberation war for what was seen as a betrayal of the causes of democracy and civil rights.

Criticism and legacy

The Pakistani leadership in 1971 was considered by some observers and governments to be fighting to keep the country united in face of secessionist activities led by Mujib. Indian support for the Mukti Bahini dented the credibility of Mujib and the League in the community of nations.[12][32] Some historians argue that the conflicts and disparities between East and West Pakistan were exaggerated by Mujib and the League and that secession cost Bangladesh valuable industrial and human resources.[32] The governments of Saudi Arabia and China criticised Mujib and recognized Bangladesh's independence only after his death.[32] In a secret government affidavit, Yahya Khan stated:
It was Bhutto, not Mujib, who broke Pakistan. Bhutto's stance in 1971 and his stubbornness harmed Pakistan's solidarity much more than Sheikh Mujib's six-point demand. It was his high ambitions and rigid stance that led to rebellion in East Pakistan. He riled up the Bengalis and brought an end to Pakistan's solidarity. East Pakistan broke away.[33]
Several historians regard Mujib as a rabble-rousing, charismatic leader who galvanised the nationalist struggle but proved inept in governing the country.[27] During his tenure as Bangladesh's leader, Muslim religious leaders and politicians intensely criticized Mujib's adoption of state secularism. He alienated some segments of nationalists and the military, who feared Bangladesh would come to depend upon India and become a satellite state by taking extensive aid from the Indian government and allying Bangladesh with India on many foreign and regional affairs.[21] Mujib's imposition of one-party rule and suppression of political opposition alienated large segments of the population and derailed Bangladesh's experiment with democracy for many decades.[12][19]
Following his death, succeeding governments offered low-key commemorations of Mujib, and his public image was restored only with the election of an Awami League government led by his daughter Sheikh Hasina in 1996. August 15 is commemorated as "National Mourning Day," mainly by Awami League supporters.[8] He remains the paramount icon of the Awami League, which continues to profess Mujib's ideals of socialism. Mujib is widely admired by scholars and in Bengali communities in India and across the world for denouncing the military rule and that what he maintained was 'ethnic discrimination in Pakistan', and for leading the Bengali struggle for rights and liberty.[34] In a 2004 poll conducted on the worldwide listeners of BBC's Bengali radio service, Mujib was voted the "Greatest Bengali of All Time" beating out Rabindranath Tagore and others.[35]
 

kalu_miah

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Wikileaks docs on Sheikh Mujib's BAKSAL declaration:

https://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975DACCA00457_b.html

From:Bangladesh Dhaka Markings:Margaret P. Grafeld Declassified/Released US Department of State EO Systematic Review 05 JUL 2006
To: Department of State | India New Delhi | Nepal Kathmandu | Pakistan Islamabad | United Kingdom London


ContentRaw contentMetadataRaw sourcePrint

SUMMARY: WITH PASSAGE JANUARY 25 OF THE CONSTITUTION (FOURTH
AMENDMENT) ACT, 1975, SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN IS NOW THE PRESIDENT
OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF BANGLADESH. THE SWEEPING CONSTITUTIONAL
AMENDMENT WAS PASSED WITHOUT DISCUSSION FOLLOWING THE WALKOUT OF
THE MINUSCULE OPPOSITION. THE AMENDMENT ESTABLISHED A SYSTEM OF
PRESIDENT, VICE PRESIDENT, AND A COUNCIL OF MINISTERS WHO DO NOT
NECESSARILY HAVE TO BE PARLIAMENTARIANS. AMENDMENT ALSO PROVIDES
FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT, AT THE DISCRETION OF THE PRESIDENT, OF A
SINGLE NATIONAL PARTY AND THE BANNING OF ALL OTHER POLITICAL
PARTIES. WITH PASSAGE OF ACT, MUJIB BECAME PRESIDENT AUTOMATICALLY
FOR A FIVE-YEAR TERM. AMENDMENT EXTENDS THE LIFE OF JATIYO SANGSAD,
AS WELL, FOR FIVE YEARS FROM PASSAGE. MUJIB JUSTIFIES CHANGE IN SYSTEM

AS NECESSARY TO COPE WITH PROBLEMS OF COUNTRY AND ILL DISCIPLINE OF
EDUCATED CLASS. NEW COUNCIL OF MINISTERS IS EXPECTED TO BE ANNOUNCED NEXT WEEK. JATIYO SANGSAD ALSO TODAY ROUTINELY APPROVED EMERGENCY
POWERS BILL, THUS RATIFYING PRESIDENT'S ACTION TAKEN LAST MONTH.
END SUMMARY.

https://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975DACCA00489_b.html

SUMMARY: THE NEW DIRECTIONS WHICH WERE TO ACCOMPANY THE CHANGE TO
A PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM ARE NOT REFLECTED SO FAR IN THE COUNCIL OF
MINISTERS, 17 OF WHOM WERE SWORN INTO OFFICE JANUARY 26, ALONG
WITH NINE STATE MINISTERS. ALL PREVIOUS MINISTERS AND STATE MIN-
ISTERS REMAIN IN OFFICE, WITH MANSUR ALI AS PRIMIN. KAMAL HOSSAIN
HAS BEEN DESIGNATED MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND OF PETROLEUM
BUT UNTIL HE RETURNS FROM ABROAD AND IS SWORN IN, PRESIDENT MUJIB
WILL HOLD HIS PORTFOLIOS, ACCORDING TO A BDG ANNOUNCEMENT. SIX
NEW MEN HAVE BEEN ADDED, MOST OF THEM LONG-TIME AWAMI LEAGUE AS-
SOCIATES OF MUJIBUR RAHMAN. THEY ARE A.H.M. KAMARUZZAMAN, FORMER
COMMERCE MINISTER AND PRESIDENT OF THE AWAMI LEAGUE; KORBAN ALI,
MP AND FORMER VICE PRESIDENT OF THE AWAMI LEAGUE; DR. A. R.
MALLIK, FORMER HIGH COMMISSIONER IN DELHI AND VICE CHANCELLOR OF
CHITTAGONG UNIVERSITY; DR. MUZAFFAR AHMED CHOWDHURY, CHAIRMAN OF
THE UNIVERSITY GRANTS COMMISSION AND FORMER VICE CHANCELLOR OF
DACCA UNIVERSITY; MOHAMMADULLAH, FORMER PRESIDENT OF BANGLADESH;
AND ASADUZZAMAN KHAN, MP AND PROMINENT BARRISTER WHO JOINED AWAMI LEAGUE IN 1969. THE VICE PRESIDENT SWORN IN JANUARY 25 IS SYED
NAZRUL ISLAM, FORMER MINISTER OF INDUSTRIES AND ACTING PM IN
MUJIB'S ABSENCES. END SUMMARY.

https://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975DACCA00666_b.html

SUMMARY: THE FOURTH CONSTITUIONAL AMENDMENT, THE DETAILS OF WHICH
WERE DESCRIBED IN THE REFERENCED TELEGRAM, EFFECTIVELY GIVES
MUJIBUR RAHMAN UNLIMITED POWERS TO CONTROL BANGLADESH. THE PAR-
LIAMENT, THE JUDICIARY, THE POLITICIANS AND PUBLIC HAVE BEEN
LEFT WITH NO REALISTIC CONSTITUTIONAL AVENUES TO CHALLENGE, LET
ALONE REVERSE, ANY ACTION THAT MUJIB MAY WISH TO TAKE. THE IMPOR-
TANT QUESTION NOW IS THE EXTENT TO WHICH MUJIB WILL USE THESE
NEW POWERS AND THE DEGREE OF PARTICIPATION AND CRITICISM HE IS
WILLING TO ALLOW TO OTHERS. INITIAL REACTION TO MUJIB'S PRESIDENCY
APPEARS TO BE INDIFFERENCE AMONG THE MASSES, THE SYCOPHANTIC
ENTHUSIASM OF PARTY WORKERS AND SOME FORMER CRITICS, AND THE NEAR
SILENT DISMAY OF ADVOCATES OF PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY AND THE RULE
OF LAW. WHILE THE NEW CHANGE, AND THE UNDERLYING TREND TOWARD
AUTHORITARIANISM WHICH IT REFLECTS, HAVE POTENTIALLY DISTURBING
IMPLICATIONS FOR OUR OWN POLICY, THESE ARE STILL DOWN THE ROAD
AND A "WAIT-AND"SEE" ATTITUDE SEEMS INDICATED FOR THE PRESENT.
END SUMMARY.

https://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975DACCA01000_b.html

SUMMARY. FEBRUARY 23 PRESIDENT MUJIBUR RAHMAN DECREED
THE FORMATION OF A SINGLE NATIONAL POLITICAL PARTY,
TO BE CALLED THE BANGLADESH KRISHAK SRAMIK AWAMI
LEAGUE (PEASANT-WORKERS PEOPLES LEAGUE). ALL OTHER
PARTIES STAND DISSOLVED. MUJIB JUSTIFIED THIS STEP
AS NECESSARY TO GIVE "FULL EFFECT TO THE FUNDAMENTAL
PRINCIPLES OF STATE POLICY...NATIONALISM, SOCIALISM,
DEMOCRACY, AND SECULARISM." MUJIB WILL BE CHAIRMAN.
ALL MPS OF DEFUNCT AWAMI LEAGUE AND ALL MINISTERS,
STATE MINISTERS, AND DEPUTY MINISTERS ARE
AUTOMATICALLY MEMBERS OF THE NEW PARTY UNLESS THE
PRESIDENT DIRECTS OTHERWISE. END SUMMARY.

https://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975DACCA01022_b.html

1. IN ANOTHER SERIES OF PRESIDENTIAL ORDERS FEB. 25,
MUJIBUR RAHMAN CONFERRED MEMBERSHIP IN THE BANGLADESH
KRISHAK SHRAMIK AWAMI LEAGUE (BKSAL) ON VICE
PRESIDENT SYED NAZRUAL ISLAM, SPEAKER OF PARLIAMENT
ABDUL MALIK UKIL, AND ALL MEMBERS OF THE DEFUNCT
AWAMI LEAGUE CENTRAL WORKING COMMITTEE. THE COMMITTEE
INCLUDES THE THREE VICE PRESIDENT, THE
GENERAL AND ORGANIZING SECRETARIES, AND SOME TEN
OTHER PARTY LUMINARIES, MOST IF NOT ALL OF WHOM
WERE ALREADY COVERED IN THE DECREE OF FEB. 24
CONFERRING MEMBERSHIP ON MP'S. MUJIB ALSO DESIGNATED
THE AWAMI LEAGUE'S CENTRAL OFFICE AS TEMPORARY
HEADQUARTERS OF THE BKSAL.

2. THE FIRST PRACTICAL EFFECT OF THE ONE-PARTY
SYSTEM WILL COME MARCH 23 WHEN A BYE-ELECTION WILL FILL
THE KHUSTIA SEAT OF MD. GOLAM KIBRIA WHO WAS MURDERED
DECEMBER 25. THE ELECTION COMMISSION ANNOUNCEMENT OF
FEBRUARY 25 SPECIFICIES THAT, PER THE CONSTITUTION,
ONLY PERSONS NOMINATED BY THE BKSAL WILL BE ELIGIBLE
TO FILE NOMINATION PAPERS. WHETHER MUJIB MAINTAINS A
DEMOCRATIC FACADE BY ALLOWING SEVERAL CANDIDATES TO
CONTEST THE ELECTION WILL BE AN EARLY INDICATOR OF
THE OPERATION OF THE NEW ONE-PARTY STATE.

https://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975DACCA01241_b.html

SUMMARY. "EK NETA, EK DESH: BANGABHANDU, BANGLADESH"--
ONE LEADER, ONE NATION: BANGABHANDU, BANGLADESH--IS THE
NEW MESSAGE OF THE ONE-PARTY STATE THAT PRESIDENT
MUJIBUR RAHMAN IS TAKING TO THE PEOPLE IN A SERIES OF
TRIPS, MOST NOTABLY TO TANGAIL MARCH 8 WHERE HE
RECEIVED THE BLESSINGS OF MAULANA BHASHANI FOR HIS
"SECOND REVOLUTION." PREOCCUPIED WITH THIS IMAGE
BUILDING, MUJIB IS MOVING SLOWLY TO ORGANIZE BAKSAL,
THE NEW PARTY. THE 320 MEMBERS TO DATE ARE PRINCIPALLY
OLD AWAMI LEAGUE LEADERS AND INCLUDE NO ALLIED OR
OPPOSITION POLITICAL FIGURES. THE INDEPENDENCE DAY
CELEBRATION MARCH 26 IS A LIKELY TIME FOR THE ANNOUNCEMENT
OF BAKSAL'S CENTRAL COMMITTEE, POSSIBLY TO BE FOLLOWED
BY A RESHUFFLE OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS. MUJIB'S
SECOND REVOLUTION REMAINS A POLITICAL ONE; HE HAS YET
TO TURN HIS ATTENTION SERIOUSLY TO THE ECONOMIC AND
ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEMS OF BANGLADESH. END SUMMARY.

https://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975DACCA02753_b.html

1. ON JUNE 7, THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE LAUNCHING OF THE
SIX-POINT MOVEMENT IN 1966, PRESIDENT MUJIBUR RAHMAN
IS EXPECTED TO ANNOUNCE THE COMPOSITION OF BAKSAL'S
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF ABOUT A DOZEN MEMBERS AND TO NAME
THE LEADERS OF THE FIVE PARTY FRONTS. IN HIS USUAL
FASHION, MUJIB HAS KEPT POLITICAL OBSERVERS GUESSING
ABOUT HIS FINAL SELECTIONS AND CONSEQUENTLY THE CITY
IS HIP DEEP IN RUMORS AS TO HIS CHOICES. RUMORS
ALSO ARE CIRCULATING THAT IMMEDIATELY PRECEDING, CO-
INCIDENT WITH, OR JUST AFTER THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE
BAKSAL LEADERSHIP, MUJIB WILL SHAKE UP THE CABINET
SOMEWHAT. THE SHEIKH MAY ALSO SQUEEZE INTO HIS TIME-
TABLE FOR THIS WEEKEND THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE PRESS
(DACCA 2641).

2. THE EXTENT OF SPECULATION CAN BE CONVEYED BY A FEW
EXAMPLES:
--MANSOOR ALI IS WIDELY BELIEVED MUJIB'S CHOICE FOR
BAKSAL SECRETARY-GENERAL. BUT WILL HE REMAIN AS
LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

PAGE 02 DACCA 02753 051222Z

PRIME MINISTER OR RELINQUISH THAT POST TO KHONDOKAR
MUSHTAQUE AHMED?
--THE BAKSAL SECRETARY-GENERAL IS TO BE AIDED BY
"JOINT SECRETARIES." BUT HOW MANY? THE GUESSES
RNAGE FROM TWO OR FOUR, WITH MUJIB TRYING TO
ACCOMMODATE THE AMBITIONS OF SUCH FIGURES
AS FORMER AWAMI LEAGUE ORGANIZING SECRETARY
ABDUR RAZZAK, NEPHEW SHEIK FAZLUL HUG MONI, AND
POSSIBLY FORMER AL VICE PRESIDENT MOHIUDDIN AHMED,
IF NOT THE PERSISTENT PETITIONERS OF NAP/MUZAFFAR
AND THE CPB.
--IF MONI BECOMES A BAKSAL OFFICIAL, WILL HE GIVE
UP HIS CLAIM AS CHIEF OF THE LABOR FRONT?
--TOFAEL AHMED IS RUMORED TO BECOME CHIEF OF THE
YOUTH FRONT, BUT CAN HE HANG ON TO HIS POSI-
TION AS SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT, AND
THUS A POSITION OF REAL INFLUENCE?
--WILL VETERAN OPPOSITON LEADER ATAUR RAHMAN
KHAN BECOME VICE PRESIDENT OR A CABINET MINISTER?

3. OUT OF ALL THIS SPECULATION, SEVERAL FACTORS
EMERGE. ON JUNE 7 WE ARE LIKELY TO KNOW WHO THE SENIOR
LEADERSHIP OF BAKSAL WILL BE, BUT NOT THE MEMBERSHIP
OF THE ENTIRE CENTRAL COMMITTEE WHICH MAY EVENTUALLY
NUMBER ANYWHERE FROM 70 OR 200 PLUS MEMBERS AS MUJIB
USES IT TO SATISFY VARIOUS FACTIONAL AND REGIONAL CON-
TENDERS. WE ARE ALSO UNLIKELY TO SEE A CABINET SHAKEUP
OF ANY GREAT SIGNIFICANCE FOR THE FUTURE DIRECTION
OF THE COUNTRY. MUJIB APPEARS INSTEAD INTENT AT PRESENT
ON SHIFTING BODIES ABOUT FOR PURPOSE OF POLITICAL
BALANCE, NOT REASONS OF STATE. WHAT WE DO SEE IN THE
VARIED CANDIDATES MENTIONED FOR BAKSAL LEADERSHIP IS
EVIDENCE THAT MUJIB IS STILL RELYING PRIMARILY UPON
TRIED-AND-TRUE AWAMI LEAGUERS (SUCH AS HIS CONTEMPORARY
MANSOOR ALI), SECOND-GENERATION LOYALISTS (ZILLUR
RAHMAN AND ABDUR RAZZAK), AND FAMILY MEMBERS (MONI
AND STUDENT LEADER SHAHIDUL ISLAM). OUTSIDE THESE CATE-
GORIES, ONLY MOHIUDDIN AHMED AND ATAUR RAHMAN KHAN ARE
FREQUENTLY MENTIONED FOR IMPORTANT POSITIONS. AHMED, A
1970 CONVERT FROM NAP/MUZZAFAR, MAY BE GIVEN A LEADER-
SHIP ROLE TO SATISFY LEFT ELEMENTS OF BAKSAL. ATAUR
LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

PAGE 03 DACCA 02753 051222Z

RAHMAN KHAN, WITH MAULANA BHASHANI THE SENIOR POLITICIAN
OF THE CONTRY, MIGHT SERVE AS A SYMBOL OF THE NATIONAL
UNITY BAKSAL IS MEANT TO EMBOBY.

4. SHEIKH MUJIB HAS A VERY SUBSTANTIAL NUMBER OF
POLITICAL APPONTMENTS TO ANNOUNCE ON JUNE 7. BUT
HE STILL HAS NUMEROUS OTHER MAJOR DECISIONS TO MAKE
THAT HE CAN -- AND, DOUBTLESS, WILL -- SPACE OUT
OVER THE COMING MONTHS. THESE INCLUDE: MEMBERSHIPS
OF BAKSAL'S CENTRAL COMMITTEE, THE REORGANIZATION AND
STAFFING OF THE COUNTRY'S ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE,
AND THE INTRODUCTION OF THE FIRST EXPERIMENTAL COM-
PULSORY COOPERATIVES. MUJIB HAS ADOPTED A PRACTICE
OF OFFERING A MONTHLY SENSATION, AND WE EXPECT HIM TO
MAINTAIN THIS PATTERN FOR SOME TIME TO COME.
BOSTER
 

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