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It Is No Longer ‘Incredible India’ But ‘Intolerant India’

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Supreme Court judge, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud recently raised eyebrows when he observed that it was “public intolerance” that led an advertisement depicting a same-sex couple to be pulled down. The judge, who was speaking at a seminar on “Women empowerment through legal awareness” last week, said, “It was an advertisement for Karva Chauth of a same-sex couple. It had to be withdrawn on the ground of public intolerance!”

Karva Chauth is a Hindu festival in North India where married women fast for the wellbeing of their husbands. The advertisement in question, for a fairness bleach, had raised the hackles of Hindu fundamentalists as it depicted a lesbian couple celebrating Karva Chauth.

Soon after a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) politician, Narottam Mishra, threatened the company for “objectionable content,” Dabur, the manufacturer of the fairness bleach, tendered an unconditional apology for “hurting religious sentiments,” and withdrew the advertisement.

Diwali, the Festival of Lights, is akin to the American Super Bowl season for the advertising industry in India, when every corporate and manufacturing unit profits. So it is no coincidence that there was a flurry of festival-related advertisements this season especially after a tough year of pandemic and lockdowns. However, what made it distinct from other years was the “backlash” that followed after these advertisements were released.

Clothing brand Fab India’s promo advertisement in the run-up to Diwali titled “Jashn-e-Riwaaz” (celebration of tradition) was targeted for using Urdu words to describe the Hindu festival of Diwali. The Urdu language is largely associated with Muslims.

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The ruling BJP’s Yuva Morcha (youth wing) president Tejasvi Surya lashed out at the advertisement stating that it was a “deliberate attempt of Abrahamization of Hindu festivals.”

Significantly, Surya has been a serial rabble-rouser with a history of inciting people against Muslims by generating controversies.

The BJP’s troll army soon took to Twitter, with #BanFabIndia trending and some even demanding that models in advertisements should have “Hindu appropriate dressing” with women sporting a bindi, a traditional dot on the forehead of Indian women. A right-wing influencer lashed out at the “secularization” of Hindu festivals, tweeting #NoBindiNoBusiness and calling for a boycott of brands that did not comply with the sentiments of Hindu culture. Consequently, Fab India not only withdrew its promo advertisement but tried to mollify the right-wing by stating that its soon-to-be launched Diwali campaign was titled an innocuous “Jhilmil Si Diwali” (Sparkling Diwali).

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While the targeting of the skin bleach advertisement is an attempt to enforce rigid codes of normative Hindu culture with a homophobic worldview, the Fab India advertisement controversy is an attempt to entrench Islamophobia in the masses. The saffron brigade and its votaries, namely the BJP politicians, assign themselves the role of custodians of Indian culture. In their myopic view, recognition of the LGBTQ community and its rights is anathema and they are highly intolerant of introduction of any progressive ideas into Hindu festivals and traditions. Highlighting India’s cultural and religious diversity, especially Hindu-Muslim brotherhood, angers the right wing.

Significantly, the increasing attacks on advertisements have coincided with the mainstreaming of hate politics championed by the BJP under Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Islamophobia in India has escalated to ridiculous heights. Linguists point out that the language Urdu is not the sole preserve of Muslims in the country, but Urdu words are widely used in everyday speech and literary texts of Hindustani language.

Incidentally, these were not the only advertisements that were targeted by the Hindutva brigade this festive season. CEAT Tyres was viciously trolled and faced an onslaught of online abuse after its Diwali advertisement featured Bollywood actor Aamir Khan advising children not to burst firecrackers on the streets but within the apartment complex.

BJP Member of Parliament Ananth Kumar Hegde, who habitually spews communal venom, wrote to the CEO of CEAT Tyres accusing the company of “creating unrest among Hindus.” In his letter which he made public on Facebook, Hegde also attacked the actor Khan, who is a Muslim. “Nowadays, a group of anti-Hindu actors always hurt the Hindu sentiments whereas they never try to expose the wrong doings of their community.”

In a long rant, Hegde lashed out at Muslims in general for offering namaaz (prayers) on the roads, which he said was public property. He described the Azaan, the muezzin’s call to prayer, as noise pollution. He issued a dire warning to the CEAT Tyres company to “not hurt Hindu sentiments” in future.

Hindutva leaders are now turning Hindu festivals into a weapon against Muslims, says Apoorvanand, a professor at Delhi University. The backlash against these recent advertisements is certainly an indicator of this trend.

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Earlier this month, celebrated fashion designer Sabyasachi was in the crosshairs of the moral police after his jewelry advertisement depicted women in intimate poses and same-sex couples displaying the Hindu symbol of marriage for women, the mangalsutra. Sabysachi withdrew the advertisement for the “Royal Bengal Mangalsutra collection” hours after Mishra issued him a 24-hour ultimatum to remove the “objectionable content.” Mishra, incidentally, is home minister in the BJP-led government in the state of Madhya Pradesh. The right-wing troll army on social media had lashed out at the “skin display” and “lingerie-clad women” alleging that it was a deliberate attempt to hurt Hindu sentiments.

Such intolerance and backlash are undermining creative freedom in India and increasingly shrinking space for creativity. Advertisements in India have generally been a reflection or marker of changing times and society.

However, the spate of attacks by intolerant right-wingers will make advertisement makers and corporations more concerned about not upsetting them than giving free rein to progressive ideas.

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The online abuse and trolling are not isolated or spontaneous acts but have the political backing of the powerful BJP IT cell.

Last year too, during the festive season, jewelry brand Tanishq faced the ire of Hindu right-wing. The jewelry brand in its advertisement “Ekatvam” (unity in oneness) depicted a pregnant Hindu woman being lovingly given a baby shower by her Muslim in-laws. The advertisement text read: “She is married into a family that loves her like their own child. Only for her, they go out of their way to celebrate an occasion that they usually don’t. A beautiful confluence of two different religions, traditions and cultures.”

Accusing Tanishq of promoting “Love Jihad” (a conspiracy theory claiming that Hindu women are being forcibly converted by Muslims through marriage), the Hindutva activists called for a boycott of the brand. #BoycottTanishq trended. The outrage spilled over offline as well with a Tanishq jewelry showroom in Gujarat being threatened and forced to display an apology at its store. They were reports of Muslim Tanishq store managers’ contact details being made public online.

Tanishq ultimately pulled out the advertisement stating, “We are deeply saddened with the inadvertent stirring of emotions and withdraw this film keeping in mind the hurt sentiments and well-being of our employees, partners and store staff.”

Tanishq’s capitulation to right-wing trolls was strongly criticized, with a section of Twitterati labelling it “spineless corporate India.” Many pointed out that when corporations make bold advertisements, they should not get brow-beaten by trolls but stand up for their values — as did the American footwear brand Nike, which despite severe backlash, boldly made National Football League (NFL) star Colin Kaepernick its brand ambassador. Kaepernick had “taken the knee” i.e. kneeled during the United States national anthem to protest against racial injustice.

Last year, soon after the Tanishq advertisement backlash, advertising bodies in India urged the government to act against intimidation by Hindutva trolls. But India’s ruling BJP is not inclined to fight hate. Rather, it is encouraging unbridled Hindutva for electoral gains. As intolerance gallops, vitriolic attacks against advertisements continue unabated.

It Is No Longer ‘Incredible India’ But ‘Intolerant India’
Hindutva activists are seeking to enforce rigid codes of normative Hindu culture and Islamophobia by forcing the withdrawal of progressive advertisements.


补壹刀:印度,七宗罪!

它不再是“不可思议的”印度,而是“不宽容的”印度。

这是美国《外交》杂志新近一篇文章的标题。

从针对少数族裔的私刑,到棒打鸳鸯的“爱情圣战”,再到被质疑“纵容”强奸犯的匪夷所思......如今的印度,已经“不宽容”到不可思议了。而这显然已是国际舆论中一种越来越普遍的印象。


其实,说它“不宽容”都轻了。

除了“每17分钟就发生一起强奸案”这种令人惊愕的治安难题,印度政府对内对外有意为之或治理失灵的问题还有更多:

公然支持恐怖主义,大肆进行宗教迫害,无耻纵容种族歧视,鄙视妇女儿童人权,加上抗疫失利导致人道主义灾难,贫富分化加重贫困人群疾苦,如此等等。

旧症新疾,可以粗略归纳成印度的“七宗罪”。

有专家说,执政的印度人民党2014年上台以来在印度取得“绝对统治地位”,可以说是印度30多年来少见的强势中央政府。在联邦和一些地方层面的执政地位,让莫迪政府在社会治理和对外行为上都给印度带来不少改观。

但印度过去这些方面欠下的债太多,以至于一件黑公交轮奸案,一轮卷土重来的疫情,瞬间就能让它暴露“失败国家”的一面。

支持恐怖主义

今年8月,巴基斯坦瓜达尔港三辆载着中国工人的班车遭到自杀性炸弹袭击,俾路支分离主义组织“俾路支解放军”宣布对此负责。

2020年6月,巴基斯坦证券交易所遭4名“俾路支解放军”恐怖分子袭击,该交易所40%的股权归中国的3家公司所有。

2018年11月,巴基斯坦卡拉奇市的中国领事馆遇袭,凶手仍然是“俾路支解放军”。

“俾路支解放军”,已经被至少28个国家列为恐怖组织,它受到印度或明或暗的支持与赞助,已经是公开的秘密。

浙江外国语学院环地中海研究院研究员李兴刚长期关注“俾路支解放军”的情况。他介绍说,印度一些军方人士毫不避讳跟“俾路支解放军”的关系。

在一段视频中,印度海军指挥官库尔布尚·贾达夫坦承:“我的工作是与俾路支叛乱分子开会,并与他们合作开展活动。这些活动是一种犯罪,它们导致巴基斯坦公民被杀害或致残。”

一名与印度情报机构有公开联系的前印度军官,也在电视直播中吹嘘过,他与巴基斯坦的俾路支分裂分子间几乎每天都保持着联系。他甚至公开宣称,印度将支持这些分裂分子,以获得独立的俾路支省。

印度媒体也是相当嚣张,它们一直公开承认,印度支持俾路支激进分子。

《印度教徒报》曾经透露,“俾路支解放军”指挥官长期寻求“在印度医院治病”。比如,为了治病,负责胡兹达尔市的一名俾路支激进分子指挥官2017年曾在新德里滞留至少6个月。“俾路支解放军”指挥官阿斯拉姆·阿奇也到印度看过病。

这些医疗费用,大多由印度政府承担。

据称,印度有一个庞大的情报网络,负责管理印度的“俾路支资产”。世界俾路支省妇女大会主席尼拉库·阿迪力·俾路支和她的儿子就接受过印度的资金支持。


印度媒体时常大肆报道俾路支省,鼓噪所谓俾路支省存在“根深蒂固的政治、经济和人权问题”,企图制造俾路支省问题国际化的既成事实。

如此费心经营“俾路支解放军”等恐怖势力,新德里瞄着的是中国和巴基斯坦。

一位印度学者曾这样解释过印度的荒唐逻辑:中巴走近,印度感觉“如鲠在喉”,想当然地臆测,“在特定情况下,巴基斯坦-塔利班-中国的关系将变得更加强大,并可能在北部和西部形成对印度的包围态势”。

李兴刚提醒,尤其需要高度警惕的是,印度甚至企图直接与我国新疆地区内外的“东突”势力勾结。

宗教迫害

今年8月,一个视频在社交媒体上疯传。

在这段令人痛心的视频中,一名穆斯林男子正在遭受几个印度教暴徒的拳打脚踢,旁边是他受惊的女儿,痛哭流涕恳求暴徒住手。

比女儿的哀求声、哭泣声更大的,是袭击者边打边猖狂地要求穆斯林男子高喊“JaiShriRam”。“JaiShriRam”,本是印度教的一句问候语,早已被暴徒滥用为行使私刑时的呐喊。

这名男子和他的女儿最终被警方救出。一天后,3名袭击者被保释。


没过几天,另一段私刑视频出现了。

一名穆斯林手镯卖家在中央邦中部城市印多尔被一群印度教暴徒围殴,理由是他在印度教占主导地位的地区卖手镯。

这两起袭击事件,绝不是孤例。

3月,一名进入印度教寺庙喝水的14岁穆斯林男孩遭到殴打。

6月,一名小贩因在印度教地区卖水果而被打。

一直关注印度穆斯林遇袭事件的记者贾弗里说,“对穆斯林的暴力是压倒性的。它猖獗、普遍,也被大多数印度教徒接受。”他说,他每天都会遇到三四个这样的视频。


这种针对穆斯林的私刑,不是现在才有的。

在莫迪第一任期的时候,已经发生过多起所谓“奶牛义警”袭击穆斯林事件。那会儿打的旗号是这些穆斯林吃过牛肉,或者他们在走私牛。

其中最臭名昭著的一次,是穆斯林佩赫鲁·汗开车从拉贾斯坦邦买了两只母牛和两只小牛,在回家路上被一群暴徒殴打致死。

这一殴打视频同样被暴徒放到了社交媒体上。

就这么光天化日之下的犯罪,后来的走向却超乎人们的预想。案件发生两年后,法院最终以缺乏证据为由宣布6名袭击者无罪。已经遇害的奶农反而被警方指控走私奶牛,理由是他没有跨州运输奶牛的许可证。

当袭击者可以逍遥法外,甚至都激不起多少公愤的时候,无异于对暴力的纵容。如今的印度,对穆斯林的仇恨情绪,越来越浓。



作家拉娜·阿尤布说,公众对滥用私刑的漠视,是对穆斯林的歧视,因为在印度占绝对多数的印度教徒看来,这样的暴行不属于谋杀。

一个明显趋势是,自秉持印度教民族主义的印度人民党上台以来,对少数民族的暴行急剧增加。受害者大多是穆斯林,还有少许低种姓的印度教徒和基督徒。

袭击者则是虔诚的印度教徒,他们中的一些人曾公开声称与印度人民党有关系。这是有迹可循的。印度人民党的一名官员曾经公开给8名实施私刑的印度教徒戴上花环,以示肯定。

种族歧视

“(我们的)冰淇淋店、酒店和由铁杆圣战分子经营的果汁店都在使用各种类型的毒品,这些毒品正在成为毒害非穆斯林的武器。”

“毒品圣战是摧毁非穆斯林,特别是年轻人的生活,使他们沉迷于毒品的活动。”

喀拉拉邦科塔亚姆区一个主教布道时,堂而皇之地兜售这样匪夷所思的阴谋论。

“毒品圣战”是针对印度穆斯林的最新一款“圣战”谎言。

为了在这个14%人口是穆斯林的国家激起反穆斯林的情绪,极端印度教民族主义分子还炮制了一长串煽动“伊斯兰恐惧症”的话语:“土地圣战”“人口圣战”“经济圣战”“历史圣战”“子宫圣战”“爱情圣战”……

所有这些,只有一个目的,就是极尽所能打压印度的穆斯林。

种族歧视和宗教迫害,在印度很难被绝对分开。种族歧视,有广为人知的种姓歧视,更包括针对少数民族的歧视。

这种歧视可以是之前提到过的暴力,还可以是通过语言加以妖魔化、煽动仇恨、制造恐惧等这类如软刀子割肉般的更阴险形式。



去年,随着疫情在印度肆虐,一些印度教教徒和政府官员公然指责,是穆斯林男子传播的病毒。

“roti jihad”则是更为疯狂的指控,意即穆斯林厨师向roti这种手工制作的面包吐口水,以此将病毒传播给印度教徒。

就和特朗普消毒水可以杀死新冠病毒一样,这样的荒诞言辞竟然有人信,一些极端印度教民族主义分子为此没少围殴穆斯林。

今年以来,“爱情圣战”是针对穆斯林的更流行指控。

很难想象,在21世纪的同一片天空下,自由恋爱,尤其是穆斯林男性和印度教女性之间的结合,已经不能用过五关斩六将来形容。父母是不是同意尚且不论,无休无止的文书准备,随时可能被揭发的风险,没完没了的暴力骚扰,甚至可能面临荣誉谋杀的后果。

是的,1954年《特别婚姻法》确实允许不同信仰的男女结婚。但这将是一个相当漫长的过程。他们必须先做报备,然后开启等等等模式。在此期间,任何人都可以提出异议,所有这些异议都需要进行调查。

然后,是防不胜防的骚扰和袭击。

印度教大斋会是个印度教至上主义组织。它在北方邦勒克瑙市的负责人潘卡·迪瓦里很是得意地炫耀,他们掌握着一个跨信仰恋情的数据库。

“我们在每条道路、每个街区都有线人。发现一例,就告诉警方。如果警察不采取行动,我们就会向他们施压,要求他们干预并予以中止。”

迪瓦里的看法很有代表性:“我们需要控制穆斯林人口,否则他们会不停地繁殖,给印度卫生和教育系统带来压力。”他坚持认为,不同宗教男女的结合是在将那些印度教女性“困在爱情中”,然后迫使她们皈依伊斯兰教,以此增加印度穆斯林人口。

一些州的法律对此干脆给予支持。

印度29个州中至少有6个州已经出台法律,禁止通过婚姻来实现其中一方的皈依。有了地方法律的加持,极端印度教民族主义分子自然更为嚣张,甚至失控。

去年,印度记录了3000多起与荣誉、爱情或非法关系有关的谋杀案。很难知道其中有多少是源于不同信仰的结合。实际数字很可能只高不低。


不要怀疑,因为爱情被杀,不是小说情节。

印度教极端民族主义分子敢想,更敢干。2015年,印度教大斋会的一位头目妄图呼吁对印度的基督徒和穆斯林进行强制绝育。还有人居然号召把泰姬陵拆了,因为它是17世纪印度穆斯林统治者建的。

更典型的例子是,印度教大斋会的一名成员曾经暗杀圣雄甘地。这名成员如今正在被洗白成为英雄……

旁遮普省长乔杜里·穆罕默德·萨瓦尔对此难掩愤怒,他上周公开说:“对少数族裔而言,印度已经成为世界上最危险的国家。”

人权打压

岂止是少数族裔,谁都知道,印度妇女的人权保障一直堪忧。

比如臭名昭著的强奸现象。

上个月,印度媒体曝光了一起恶性案件。

北方邦的警方逮捕了28人,指控他们强奸了一名女高中生。最主要的被告竟然是这位受害者的父亲,而且,据受害人表示,她父亲第一次强奸她时,她才在上6年级。从那以后,父亲不仅自己多次强奸她,还扮演了拉皮条的角色。

9年前,新德里曾经发生了一起令人发指的“尼尔巴亚”奸杀案。受害者被强奸并被铁棒殴打,并遭受可怕的性虐待。袭击发生两周后,她在新加坡一家医院去世。


当时,这起案件震惊世界。

数百万印度妇女走上街头抗议,要求政府制定更严厉的惩罚强奸犯的法律,政府也加强了对针对女性犯罪案件的审查。

人们以为,因此可以迎来一些向好的变化。然而,“强奸案每一天仍然在发生,没有一天停止过。”

根据印度国家犯罪记录局的最新数据,2019年报告了3.2万多起涉嫌强奸妇女的案件,也就是说大约每17分钟就发生一起强奸案。

真实数字还要高得多,因为许多受害人出于恐惧和羞耻而没有报告。



印度人权的痼疾,似乎从来没有缓解过。

今年7月,美国国务卿布林肯访印的时候,特意说要和印度谈谈人权问题。

印度赶紧顾左右而言他,先戴上一个大帽子“印度是一个长期存在的多元社会”,然后转入美国人喜欢听的民主上,“人权和民主等问题具有普遍性”,所以呢,咱们不要聊人权了,布林肯先生还是听听“印度在捍卫民主方面所取得的成就”吧。

抗疫失败

在那里,几乎每秒钟都会有人打听有关哪里能得到氧气瓶、药物或免费重症监护床位的消息。

每看到、听到一次绝望的呼救,我就禁不住会问:执政的印度人民党怎么会如此搞砸抗疫战?

这是今年4月印度第二波疫情最严峻时,一位印度观察家在德媒上发文时,对莫迪政府发出的拷问。

政府在抗疫中严重失职,成了印度舆论的普遍共识。

2020年九十月份,印度第一波疫情暴发。当时相对充分的医疗准备,使印度并未陷入医疗挤兑的困境。到今年初,莫迪政府就迫不及待宣布“抗疫胜利”。随后,莫迪及其政府立即就将工作重心转向内部政争和拓展地缘政治影响上,比如将65%的抗疫药品(包括疫苗和氧气)用于出口和捐赠。



正是在印度放松警惕之际,2021年三四月份,第二波疫情突袭而来。而“当局已经浪费了整整一年准备时间”,并为此付出沉重代价。

数据显示,最严重阶段,世界上每4个因新冠去世的人中,就有1人来自印度。新增感染人数,印度一国就曾占据全球新增感染的46%,将近一半。尽管国际社会帮助陆续抵达,但情况依旧严峻:缺床位,缺氧气,缺抢救设备。

亲历者描述,很多人都无法得到一张医院病床。在新德里,所有医院人满为患,每张可用的床位都有一个以上病人。那些得不到床位的人,最后死在走廊里或救护车上。氧气瓶和药物被黑市商人囤积起来。无辜的人不得不筹集数千卢比,只为购买最基本的生活用品......

首都情况已然如此。而那里,还不是印度人口最密集、资源最匮乏的地区。有评论说,第二轮疫情大暴发后,印度举国呈现一幅“失败国家”景象,显示出政府职能和治理上的缺位。

贫富分化

第二轮疫情冲击下,印度社会贫富分化问题再次凸显。

“我日夜赶路,我有什么选择?我几乎没钱和食物。”

3月底,一位刚从古吉拉特邦回到拉贾斯坦邦北部村庄家中的泥瓦匠,向BBC驻印度记者讲述,他在政府宣布全国封锁后不得不长途跋涉徒步回家的艰苦经历。

为遏制疫情蔓延,莫迪政府3月底突然宣布全国封锁21天,而且只在封锁实施前4小时才通知下去。几乎一瞬间,众多工作场所关闭,大量雇主和承包商“消失”,数以百万计民工“一夜之间变成难民”。

因为公共交通停止运行,丢了工作后又无法就地生存,成千上万民工,男女老少都有,不得不日夜兼程走路回家。他们离家有的一两百公里,有的则有七八百公里。


但没办法,只有回到家才能勉强吃上一口饱饭。

巨大贫富差距,当时就被认为是印度无法“封国抗疫”的主要原因。

资料显示,印度1%最富人口拥有印度全国财富的一半以上。而全国一半以上的穷人,仅拥有全国财富约4%。印度赤贫人口约占全国人口总数20%以上。这个巨大人群难以维持温饱,而且生活在缺乏卫生设施的环境之中。

表现在医疗体系上,就是严重两极分化:一边是印度某些方面的医疗水平在发展中国家名列前茅,但另一边却是医院人力、设备和药物严重不足,农村人口根本看不起病。


贫富分化这个顽疾,还体现在印度经济社会发展的更多方面。

总体而言,印度社会发展就是经济学家口中最典型的“K型增长”,富的更富,穷的更穷。有统计说,疫情期间,印度首富穆克什·安巴尼身家骤增200亿美元,但另一头呢,不要说贫困群体连吃饭都困难,大量中小企业主也都在复苏线上苦苦挣扎。

安巴尼在孟买的豪宅与当地的大型平民窟,被印媒自己说成是印度贫富分化的“生动写照”。

治理失灵

在宗教迫害、种族歧视、人权打压以及贫富分化等种种现实问题下,印度政府“治理失灵”问题已经显而易见。

一位印度问题学者说,莫迪领导的印度人民党现在在印度政坛拥有“绝对统治地位”,不仅30多年来首次长期保持一个党在议会中的过半席位,而且还掌控不少地方执政权力。如此一来,印度长期存在的央地矛盾有了不少改善,至少相对联邦政府相对弱势时期,治理能力提升很多。


但印度政治社会治理需要补的课太多,这点改善无法形成外部对它印象的改观。

国际媒体上的涉印新闻中,类似黑公交轮奸案的事件频发出现。这构成对印度社会治安的印象。而这事实上也反应了现状,并饱受印度社会民众尤其反对党诟病,被归因于政府治理无能。

作为治理失灵的另一表征,印度贪腐问题极为严重。但跟中国近年来厉行反腐不同,印度一些腐败分子即便被绳之以法,也因司法程序漫长并且牵涉政党政治等多种复杂因素,很少受到严厉惩处。

一系列传统治理顽疾难有缓解,抗疫失败以及“莫迪经济学”效果不彰等新问题又来,都在加深民众对印度政府的失望。

以至于印度知名作家阿兰达蒂·罗伊今年在网上致信莫迪,公开喊出了:“我们需要一个政府”。
 

jamahir

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Last year too, during the festive season, jewelry brand Tanishq faced the ire of Hindu right-wing. The jewelry brand in its advertisement “Ekatvam” (unity in oneness) depicted a pregnant Hindu woman being lovingly given a baby shower by her Muslim in-laws. The advertisement text read: “She is married into a family that loves her like their own child. Only for her, they go out of their way to celebrate an occasion that they usually don’t. A beautiful confluence of two different religions, traditions and cultures.”

Accusing Tanishq of promoting “Love Jihad” (a conspiracy theory claiming that Hindu women are being forcibly converted by Muslims through marriage), the Hindutva activists called for a boycott of the brand. #BoycottTanishq trended. The outrage spilled over offline as well with a Tanishq jewelry showroom in Gujarat being threatened and forced to display an apology at its store. They were reports of Muslim Tanishq store managers’ contact details being made public online.

Tanishq ultimately pulled out the advertisement stating, “We are deeply saddened with the inadvertent stirring of emotions and withdraw this film keeping in mind the hurt sentiments and well-being of our employees, partners and store staff.”

Tanishq’s capitulation to right-wing trolls was strongly criticized, with a section of Twitterati labelling it “spineless corporate India.”

Love Jihad by all sides is what is needed in these toxic times to detoxify the society. To calm it down.
 
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PAKISTANFOREVER

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Supreme Court judge, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud recently raised eyebrows when he observed that it was “public intolerance” that led an advertisement depicting a same-sex couple to be pulled down. The judge, who was speaking at a seminar on “Women empowerment through legal awareness” last week, said, “It was an advertisement for Karva Chauth of a same-sex couple. It had to be withdrawn on the ground of public intolerance!”

Karva Chauth is a Hindu festival in North India where married women fast for the wellbeing of their husbands. The advertisement in question, for a fairness bleach, had raised the hackles of Hindu fundamentalists as it depicted a lesbian couple celebrating Karva Chauth.

Soon after a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) politician, Narottam Mishra, threatened the company for “objectionable content,” Dabur, the manufacturer of the fairness bleach, tendered an unconditional apology for “hurting religious sentiments,” and withdrew the advertisement.

Diwali, the Festival of Lights, is akin to the American Super Bowl season for the advertising industry in India, when every corporate and manufacturing unit profits. So it is no coincidence that there was a flurry of festival-related advertisements this season especially after a tough year of pandemic and lockdowns. However, what made it distinct from other years was the “backlash” that followed after these advertisements were released.

Clothing brand Fab India’s promo advertisement in the run-up to Diwali titled “Jashn-e-Riwaaz” (celebration of tradition) was targeted for using Urdu words to describe the Hindu festival of Diwali. The Urdu language is largely associated with Muslims.

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The ruling BJP’s Yuva Morcha (youth wing) president Tejasvi Surya lashed out at the advertisement stating that it was a “deliberate attempt of Abrahamization of Hindu festivals.”

Significantly, Surya has been a serial rabble-rouser with a history of inciting people against Muslims by generating controversies.

The BJP’s troll army soon took to Twitter, with #BanFabIndia trending and some even demanding that models in advertisements should have “Hindu appropriate dressing” with women sporting a bindi, a traditional dot on the forehead of Indian women. A right-wing influencer lashed out at the “secularization” of Hindu festivals, tweeting #NoBindiNoBusiness and calling for a boycott of brands that did not comply with the sentiments of Hindu culture. Consequently, Fab India not only withdrew its promo advertisement but tried to mollify the right-wing by stating that its soon-to-be launched Diwali campaign was titled an innocuous “Jhilmil Si Diwali” (Sparkling Diwali).

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While the targeting of the skin bleach advertisement is an attempt to enforce rigid codes of normative Hindu culture with a homophobic worldview, the Fab India advertisement controversy is an attempt to entrench Islamophobia in the masses. The saffron brigade and its votaries, namely the BJP politicians, assign themselves the role of custodians of Indian culture. In their myopic view, recognition of the LGBTQ community and its rights is anathema and they are highly intolerant of introduction of any progressive ideas into Hindu festivals and traditions. Highlighting India’s cultural and religious diversity, especially Hindu-Muslim brotherhood, angers the right wing.

Significantly, the increasing attacks on advertisements have coincided with the mainstreaming of hate politics championed by the BJP under Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Islamophobia in India has escalated to ridiculous heights. Linguists point out that the language Urdu is not the sole preserve of Muslims in the country, but Urdu words are widely used in everyday speech and literary texts of Hindustani language.

Incidentally, these were not the only advertisements that were targeted by the Hindutva brigade this festive season. CEAT Tyres was viciously trolled and faced an onslaught of online abuse after its Diwali advertisement featured Bollywood actor Aamir Khan advising children not to burst firecrackers on the streets but within the apartment complex.

BJP Member of Parliament Ananth Kumar Hegde, who habitually spews communal venom, wrote to the CEO of CEAT Tyres accusing the company of “creating unrest among Hindus.” In his letter which he made public on Facebook, Hegde also attacked the actor Khan, who is a Muslim. “Nowadays, a group of anti-Hindu actors always hurt the Hindu sentiments whereas they never try to expose the wrong doings of their community.”

In a long rant, Hegde lashed out at Muslims in general for offering namaaz (prayers) on the roads, which he said was public property. He described the Azaan, the muezzin’s call to prayer, as noise pollution. He issued a dire warning to the CEAT Tyres company to “not hurt Hindu sentiments” in future.

Hindutva leaders are now turning Hindu festivals into a weapon against Muslims, says Apoorvanand, a professor at Delhi University. The backlash against these recent advertisements is certainly an indicator of this trend.

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Earlier this month, celebrated fashion designer Sabyasachi was in the crosshairs of the moral police after his jewelry advertisement depicted women in intimate poses and same-sex couples displaying the Hindu symbol of marriage for women, the mangalsutra. Sabysachi withdrew the advertisement for the “Royal Bengal Mangalsutra collection” hours after Mishra issued him a 24-hour ultimatum to remove the “objectionable content.” Mishra, incidentally, is home minister in the BJP-led government in the state of Madhya Pradesh. The right-wing troll army on social media had lashed out at the “skin display” and “lingerie-clad women” alleging that it was a deliberate attempt to hurt Hindu sentiments.

Such intolerance and backlash are undermining creative freedom in India and increasingly shrinking space for creativity. Advertisements in India have generally been a reflection or marker of changing times and society.

However, the spate of attacks by intolerant right-wingers will make advertisement makers and corporations more concerned about not upsetting them than giving free rein to progressive ideas.

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The online abuse and trolling are not isolated or spontaneous acts but have the political backing of the powerful BJP IT cell.

Last year too, during the festive season, jewelry brand Tanishq faced the ire of Hindu right-wing. The jewelry brand in its advertisement “Ekatvam” (unity in oneness) depicted a pregnant Hindu woman being lovingly given a baby shower by her Muslim in-laws. The advertisement text read: “She is married into a family that loves her like their own child. Only for her, they go out of their way to celebrate an occasion that they usually don’t. A beautiful confluence of two different religions, traditions and cultures.”

Accusing Tanishq of promoting “Love Jihad” (a conspiracy theory claiming that Hindu women are being forcibly converted by Muslims through marriage), the Hindutva activists called for a boycott of the brand. #BoycottTanishq trended. The outrage spilled over offline as well with a Tanishq jewelry showroom in Gujarat being threatened and forced to display an apology at its store. They were reports of Muslim Tanishq store managers’ contact details being made public online.

Tanishq ultimately pulled out the advertisement stating, “We are deeply saddened with the inadvertent stirring of emotions and withdraw this film keeping in mind the hurt sentiments and well-being of our employees, partners and store staff.”

Tanishq’s capitulation to right-wing trolls was strongly criticized, with a section of Twitterati labelling it “spineless corporate India.” Many pointed out that when corporations make bold advertisements, they should not get brow-beaten by trolls but stand up for their values — as did the American footwear brand Nike, which despite severe backlash, boldly made National Football League (NFL) star Colin Kaepernick its brand ambassador. Kaepernick had “taken the knee” i.e. kneeled during the United States national anthem to protest against racial injustice.

Last year, soon after the Tanishq advertisement backlash, advertising bodies in India urged the government to act against intimidation by Hindutva trolls. But India’s ruling BJP is not inclined to fight hate. Rather, it is encouraging unbridled Hindutva for electoral gains. As intolerance gallops, vitriolic attacks against advertisements continue unabated.

It Is No Longer ‘Incredible India’ But ‘Intolerant India’
Hindutva activists are seeking to enforce rigid codes of normative Hindu culture and Islamophobia by forcing the withdrawal of progressive advertisements.


补壹刀:印度,七宗罪!

它不再是“不可思议的”印度,而是“不宽容的”印度。

这是美国《外交》杂志新近一篇文章的标题。

从针对少数族裔的私刑,到棒打鸳鸯的“爱情圣战”,再到被质疑“纵容”强奸犯的匪夷所思......如今的印度,已经“不宽容”到不可思议了。而这显然已是国际舆论中一种越来越普遍的印象。


其实,说它“不宽容”都轻了。

除了“每17分钟就发生一起强奸案”这种令人惊愕的治安难题,印度政府对内对外有意为之或治理失灵的问题还有更多:

公然支持恐怖主义,大肆进行宗教迫害,无耻纵容种族歧视,鄙视妇女儿童人权,加上抗疫失利导致人道主义灾难,贫富分化加重贫困人群疾苦,如此等等。

旧症新疾,可以粗略归纳成印度的“七宗罪”。

有专家说,执政的印度人民党2014年上台以来在印度取得“绝对统治地位”,可以说是印度30多年来少见的强势中央政府。在联邦和一些地方层面的执政地位,让莫迪政府在社会治理和对外行为上都给印度带来不少改观。

但印度过去这些方面欠下的债太多,以至于一件黑公交轮奸案,一轮卷土重来的疫情,瞬间就能让它暴露“失败国家”的一面。

支持恐怖主义

今年8月,巴基斯坦瓜达尔港三辆载着中国工人的班车遭到自杀性炸弹袭击,俾路支分离主义组织“俾路支解放军”宣布对此负责。

2020年6月,巴基斯坦证券交易所遭4名“俾路支解放军”恐怖分子袭击,该交易所40%的股权归中国的3家公司所有。

2018年11月,巴基斯坦卡拉奇市的中国领事馆遇袭,凶手仍然是“俾路支解放军”。

“俾路支解放军”,已经被至少28个国家列为恐怖组织,它受到印度或明或暗的支持与赞助,已经是公开的秘密。

浙江外国语学院环地中海研究院研究员李兴刚长期关注“俾路支解放军”的情况。他介绍说,印度一些军方人士毫不避讳跟“俾路支解放军”的关系。

在一段视频中,印度海军指挥官库尔布尚·贾达夫坦承:“我的工作是与俾路支叛乱分子开会,并与他们合作开展活动。这些活动是一种犯罪,它们导致巴基斯坦公民被杀害或致残。”

一名与印度情报机构有公开联系的前印度军官,也在电视直播中吹嘘过,他与巴基斯坦的俾路支分裂分子间几乎每天都保持着联系。他甚至公开宣称,印度将支持这些分裂分子,以获得独立的俾路支省。

印度媒体也是相当嚣张,它们一直公开承认,印度支持俾路支激进分子。

《印度教徒报》曾经透露,“俾路支解放军”指挥官长期寻求“在印度医院治病”。比如,为了治病,负责胡兹达尔市的一名俾路支激进分子指挥官2017年曾在新德里滞留至少6个月。“俾路支解放军”指挥官阿斯拉姆·阿奇也到印度看过病。

这些医疗费用,大多由印度政府承担。

据称,印度有一个庞大的情报网络,负责管理印度的“俾路支资产”。世界俾路支省妇女大会主席尼拉库·阿迪力·俾路支和她的儿子就接受过印度的资金支持。


印度媒体时常大肆报道俾路支省,鼓噪所谓俾路支省存在“根深蒂固的政治、经济和人权问题”,企图制造俾路支省问题国际化的既成事实。

如此费心经营“俾路支解放军”等恐怖势力,新德里瞄着的是中国和巴基斯坦。

一位印度学者曾这样解释过印度的荒唐逻辑:中巴走近,印度感觉“如鲠在喉”,想当然地臆测,“在特定情况下,巴基斯坦-塔利班-中国的关系将变得更加强大,并可能在北部和西部形成对印度的包围态势”。

李兴刚提醒,尤其需要高度警惕的是,印度甚至企图直接与我国新疆地区内外的“东突”势力勾结。

宗教迫害

今年8月,一个视频在社交媒体上疯传。

在这段令人痛心的视频中,一名穆斯林男子正在遭受几个印度教暴徒的拳打脚踢,旁边是他受惊的女儿,痛哭流涕恳求暴徒住手。

比女儿的哀求声、哭泣声更大的,是袭击者边打边猖狂地要求穆斯林男子高喊“JaiShriRam”。“JaiShriRam”,本是印度教的一句问候语,早已被暴徒滥用为行使私刑时的呐喊。

这名男子和他的女儿最终被警方救出。一天后,3名袭击者被保释。


没过几天,另一段私刑视频出现了。

一名穆斯林手镯卖家在中央邦中部城市印多尔被一群印度教暴徒围殴,理由是他在印度教占主导地位的地区卖手镯。

这两起袭击事件,绝不是孤例。

3月,一名进入印度教寺庙喝水的14岁穆斯林男孩遭到殴打。

6月,一名小贩因在印度教地区卖水果而被打。

一直关注印度穆斯林遇袭事件的记者贾弗里说,“对穆斯林的暴力是压倒性的。它猖獗、普遍,也被大多数印度教徒接受。”他说,他每天都会遇到三四个这样的视频。


这种针对穆斯林的私刑,不是现在才有的。

在莫迪第一任期的时候,已经发生过多起所谓“奶牛义警”袭击穆斯林事件。那会儿打的旗号是这些穆斯林吃过牛肉,或者他们在走私牛。

其中最臭名昭著的一次,是穆斯林佩赫鲁·汗开车从拉贾斯坦邦买了两只母牛和两只小牛,在回家路上被一群暴徒殴打致死。

这一殴打视频同样被暴徒放到了社交媒体上。

就这么光天化日之下的犯罪,后来的走向却超乎人们的预想。案件发生两年后,法院最终以缺乏证据为由宣布6名袭击者无罪。已经遇害的奶农反而被警方指控走私奶牛,理由是他没有跨州运输奶牛的许可证。

当袭击者可以逍遥法外,甚至都激不起多少公愤的时候,无异于对暴力的纵容。如今的印度,对穆斯林的仇恨情绪,越来越浓。



作家拉娜·阿尤布说,公众对滥用私刑的漠视,是对穆斯林的歧视,因为在印度占绝对多数的印度教徒看来,这样的暴行不属于谋杀。

一个明显趋势是,自秉持印度教民族主义的印度人民党上台以来,对少数民族的暴行急剧增加。受害者大多是穆斯林,还有少许低种姓的印度教徒和基督徒。

袭击者则是虔诚的印度教徒,他们中的一些人曾公开声称与印度人民党有关系。这是有迹可循的。印度人民党的一名官员曾经公开给8名实施私刑的印度教徒戴上花环,以示肯定。

种族歧视

“(我们的)冰淇淋店、酒店和由铁杆圣战分子经营的果汁店都在使用各种类型的毒品,这些毒品正在成为毒害非穆斯林的武器。”

“毒品圣战是摧毁非穆斯林,特别是年轻人的生活,使他们沉迷于毒品的活动。”

喀拉拉邦科塔亚姆区一个主教布道时,堂而皇之地兜售这样匪夷所思的阴谋论。

“毒品圣战”是针对印度穆斯林的最新一款“圣战”谎言。

为了在这个14%人口是穆斯林的国家激起反穆斯林的情绪,极端印度教民族主义分子还炮制了一长串煽动“伊斯兰恐惧症”的话语:“土地圣战”“人口圣战”“经济圣战”“历史圣战”“子宫圣战”“爱情圣战”……

所有这些,只有一个目的,就是极尽所能打压印度的穆斯林。

种族歧视和宗教迫害,在印度很难被绝对分开。种族歧视,有广为人知的种姓歧视,更包括针对少数民族的歧视。

这种歧视可以是之前提到过的暴力,还可以是通过语言加以妖魔化、煽动仇恨、制造恐惧等这类如软刀子割肉般的更阴险形式。



去年,随着疫情在印度肆虐,一些印度教教徒和政府官员公然指责,是穆斯林男子传播的病毒。

“roti jihad”则是更为疯狂的指控,意即穆斯林厨师向roti这种手工制作的面包吐口水,以此将病毒传播给印度教徒。

就和特朗普消毒水可以杀死新冠病毒一样,这样的荒诞言辞竟然有人信,一些极端印度教民族主义分子为此没少围殴穆斯林。

今年以来,“爱情圣战”是针对穆斯林的更流行指控。

很难想象,在21世纪的同一片天空下,自由恋爱,尤其是穆斯林男性和印度教女性之间的结合,已经不能用过五关斩六将来形容。父母是不是同意尚且不论,无休无止的文书准备,随时可能被揭发的风险,没完没了的暴力骚扰,甚至可能面临荣誉谋杀的后果。

是的,1954年《特别婚姻法》确实允许不同信仰的男女结婚。但这将是一个相当漫长的过程。他们必须先做报备,然后开启等等等模式。在此期间,任何人都可以提出异议,所有这些异议都需要进行调查。

然后,是防不胜防的骚扰和袭击。

印度教大斋会是个印度教至上主义组织。它在北方邦勒克瑙市的负责人潘卡·迪瓦里很是得意地炫耀,他们掌握着一个跨信仰恋情的数据库。

“我们在每条道路、每个街区都有线人。发现一例,就告诉警方。如果警察不采取行动,我们就会向他们施压,要求他们干预并予以中止。”

迪瓦里的看法很有代表性:“我们需要控制穆斯林人口,否则他们会不停地繁殖,给印度卫生和教育系统带来压力。”他坚持认为,不同宗教男女的结合是在将那些印度教女性“困在爱情中”,然后迫使她们皈依伊斯兰教,以此增加印度穆斯林人口。

一些州的法律对此干脆给予支持。

印度29个州中至少有6个州已经出台法律,禁止通过婚姻来实现其中一方的皈依。有了地方法律的加持,极端印度教民族主义分子自然更为嚣张,甚至失控。

去年,印度记录了3000多起与荣誉、爱情或非法关系有关的谋杀案。很难知道其中有多少是源于不同信仰的结合。实际数字很可能只高不低。


不要怀疑,因为爱情被杀,不是小说情节。

印度教极端民族主义分子敢想,更敢干。2015年,印度教大斋会的一位头目妄图呼吁对印度的基督徒和穆斯林进行强制绝育。还有人居然号召把泰姬陵拆了,因为它是17世纪印度穆斯林统治者建的。

更典型的例子是,印度教大斋会的一名成员曾经暗杀圣雄甘地。这名成员如今正在被洗白成为英雄……

旁遮普省长乔杜里·穆罕默德·萨瓦尔对此难掩愤怒,他上周公开说:“对少数族裔而言,印度已经成为世界上最危险的国家。”

人权打压

岂止是少数族裔,谁都知道,印度妇女的人权保障一直堪忧。

比如臭名昭著的强奸现象。

上个月,印度媒体曝光了一起恶性案件。

北方邦的警方逮捕了28人,指控他们强奸了一名女高中生。最主要的被告竟然是这位受害者的父亲,而且,据受害人表示,她父亲第一次强奸她时,她才在上6年级。从那以后,父亲不仅自己多次强奸她,还扮演了拉皮条的角色。

9年前,新德里曾经发生了一起令人发指的“尼尔巴亚”奸杀案。受害者被强奸并被铁棒殴打,并遭受可怕的性虐待。袭击发生两周后,她在新加坡一家医院去世。


当时,这起案件震惊世界。

数百万印度妇女走上街头抗议,要求政府制定更严厉的惩罚强奸犯的法律,政府也加强了对针对女性犯罪案件的审查。

人们以为,因此可以迎来一些向好的变化。然而,“强奸案每一天仍然在发生,没有一天停止过。”

根据印度国家犯罪记录局的最新数据,2019年报告了3.2万多起涉嫌强奸妇女的案件,也就是说大约每17分钟就发生一起强奸案。

真实数字还要高得多,因为许多受害人出于恐惧和羞耻而没有报告。



印度人权的痼疾,似乎从来没有缓解过。

今年7月,美国国务卿布林肯访印的时候,特意说要和印度谈谈人权问题。

印度赶紧顾左右而言他,先戴上一个大帽子“印度是一个长期存在的多元社会”,然后转入美国人喜欢听的民主上,“人权和民主等问题具有普遍性”,所以呢,咱们不要聊人权了,布林肯先生还是听听“印度在捍卫民主方面所取得的成就”吧。

抗疫失败

在那里,几乎每秒钟都会有人打听有关哪里能得到氧气瓶、药物或免费重症监护床位的消息。

每看到、听到一次绝望的呼救,我就禁不住会问:执政的印度人民党怎么会如此搞砸抗疫战?

这是今年4月印度第二波疫情最严峻时,一位印度观察家在德媒上发文时,对莫迪政府发出的拷问。

政府在抗疫中严重失职,成了印度舆论的普遍共识。

2020年九十月份,印度第一波疫情暴发。当时相对充分的医疗准备,使印度并未陷入医疗挤兑的困境。到今年初,莫迪政府就迫不及待宣布“抗疫胜利”。随后,莫迪及其政府立即就将工作重心转向内部政争和拓展地缘政治影响上,比如将65%的抗疫药品(包括疫苗和氧气)用于出口和捐赠。



正是在印度放松警惕之际,2021年三四月份,第二波疫情突袭而来。而“当局已经浪费了整整一年准备时间”,并为此付出沉重代价。

数据显示,最严重阶段,世界上每4个因新冠去世的人中,就有1人来自印度。新增感染人数,印度一国就曾占据全球新增感染的46%,将近一半。尽管国际社会帮助陆续抵达,但情况依旧严峻:缺床位,缺氧气,缺抢救设备。

亲历者描述,很多人都无法得到一张医院病床。在新德里,所有医院人满为患,每张可用的床位都有一个以上病人。那些得不到床位的人,最后死在走廊里或救护车上。氧气瓶和药物被黑市商人囤积起来。无辜的人不得不筹集数千卢比,只为购买最基本的生活用品......

首都情况已然如此。而那里,还不是印度人口最密集、资源最匮乏的地区。有评论说,第二轮疫情大暴发后,印度举国呈现一幅“失败国家”景象,显示出政府职能和治理上的缺位。

贫富分化

第二轮疫情冲击下,印度社会贫富分化问题再次凸显。

“我日夜赶路,我有什么选择?我几乎没钱和食物。”

3月底,一位刚从古吉拉特邦回到拉贾斯坦邦北部村庄家中的泥瓦匠,向BBC驻印度记者讲述,他在政府宣布全国封锁后不得不长途跋涉徒步回家的艰苦经历。

为遏制疫情蔓延,莫迪政府3月底突然宣布全国封锁21天,而且只在封锁实施前4小时才通知下去。几乎一瞬间,众多工作场所关闭,大量雇主和承包商“消失”,数以百万计民工“一夜之间变成难民”。

因为公共交通停止运行,丢了工作后又无法就地生存,成千上万民工,男女老少都有,不得不日夜兼程走路回家。他们离家有的一两百公里,有的则有七八百公里。


但没办法,只有回到家才能勉强吃上一口饱饭。

巨大贫富差距,当时就被认为是印度无法“封国抗疫”的主要原因。

资料显示,印度1%最富人口拥有印度全国财富的一半以上。而全国一半以上的穷人,仅拥有全国财富约4%。印度赤贫人口约占全国人口总数20%以上。这个巨大人群难以维持温饱,而且生活在缺乏卫生设施的环境之中。

表现在医疗体系上,就是严重两极分化:一边是印度某些方面的医疗水平在发展中国家名列前茅,但另一边却是医院人力、设备和药物严重不足,农村人口根本看不起病。


贫富分化这个顽疾,还体现在印度经济社会发展的更多方面。

总体而言,印度社会发展就是经济学家口中最典型的“K型增长”,富的更富,穷的更穷。有统计说,疫情期间,印度首富穆克什·安巴尼身家骤增200亿美元,但另一头呢,不要说贫困群体连吃饭都困难,大量中小企业主也都在复苏线上苦苦挣扎。

安巴尼在孟买的豪宅与当地的大型平民窟,被印媒自己说成是印度贫富分化的“生动写照”。

治理失灵

在宗教迫害、种族歧视、人权打压以及贫富分化等种种现实问题下,印度政府“治理失灵”问题已经显而易见。

一位印度问题学者说,莫迪领导的印度人民党现在在印度政坛拥有“绝对统治地位”,不仅30多年来首次长期保持一个党在议会中的过半席位,而且还掌控不少地方执政权力。如此一来,印度长期存在的央地矛盾有了不少改善,至少相对联邦政府相对弱势时期,治理能力提升很多。


但印度政治社会治理需要补的课太多,这点改善无法形成外部对它印象的改观。

国际媒体上的涉印新闻中,类似黑公交轮奸案的事件频发出现。这构成对印度社会治安的印象。而这事实上也反应了现状,并饱受印度社会民众尤其反对党诟病,被归因于政府治理无能。

作为治理失灵的另一表征,印度贪腐问题极为严重。但跟中国近年来厉行反腐不同,印度一些腐败分子即便被绳之以法,也因司法程序漫长并且牵涉政党政治等多种复杂因素,很少受到严厉惩处。

一系列传统治理顽疾难有缓解,抗疫失败以及“莫迪经济学”效果不彰等新问题又来,都在加深民众对印度政府的失望。

以至于印度知名作家阿兰达蒂·罗伊今年在网上致信莫迪,公开喊出了:“我们需要一个政府”。







india has NEVER been "incredible". In fact it has always been the biggest sh*thole and open sewer of the world. In the last 20 years, the western nations tried to build up india and give it a positive spin in order for india to take on China but they MASSIVELY failed.
 

Azadkashmir

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indiaaaaa incredible hulk but soon to be called incredible phukka mulk, supaarr powaaarrr vedic flying planes n missiles hittin hard pakistan and isi. only in the imagination of the indian mind.
 

TNT

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Though i hate hindutva extremists but i support their opposition to this lqbt crap. Why should a stupid cream seller portray lesbians in an eastern society? These filthy libturds are hell bent on destroying every culture and injecting their culture of lgbtqxyz and gender confusion. The hindutvas should have burned down the factories of these advertizers.
 

Maula Jatt

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Thank you, jinnah....

We have less issues now.
Cutout Kashmir and make your Muslims into autonomous districts and regions, you'll have even less problems

If getting seperated is good (I agree with it wholeheartedly and you agree with it too) than logically I say walk the talk, reduce your problems or else you are lying and coping
 

Windjammer

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Thank you, jinnah....

We have less issues now.

You mean less Muslims and Dalits or does that includes Christians as well.

According to a Reuters report, a total of 63 cow vigilante attacks had occurred in India between 2010 and mid 2017, most after Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to power in 2014. In these attacks between 2010 and June 2017, "28 Indians – 24 of them Muslims – were killed and 124 injured", states the Reuter's report.

Dalit woman in UP beaten to death over 'contaminating' garbage bin

Read more at: https://www.deccanherald.com/content/639450/dalit-woman-up-beaten-death.html
 

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