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The truth about the Jessore massacre

Musalman

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by Sarmila Bose



The bodies lie strewn on the ground. All are adult men, in civilian clothes. A uniformed man with a rifle slung on his back is seen on the right. A smattering of onlookers stand around, a few appear to be working, perhaps to remove the bodies.

The caption of the photo is just as grim as its content: ‘April 2, 1971: Genocide by the Pakistan Occupation Force at Jessore.’ It is in a book printed by Bangladeshis trying to commemorate the victims of their liberation war.

It is a familiar scene. There are many grisly photographs of dead bodies from 1971, published in books, newspapers and websites.

Reading another book on the 1971 war, there was that photograph again ? taken from a slightly different angle, but the bodies and the scene of the massacre were the same. But wait a minute! The caption here reads: ‘The bodies of businessmen murdered by rebels in Jessore city.’

The alternative caption is in The East Pakistan Tragedy, by L.F. Rushbrook Williams, written in 1971 before the independence of Bangladesh. Rushbrook Williams is strongly in favour of the Pakistan government and highly critical of the Awami League. However, he was a fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, had served in academia and government in India, and with the BBC and The Times. There was no reason to think he would willfully mislabel a photo of a massacre.

And so, in a bitter war where so many bodies had remained unclaimed, here is a set of murdered men whose bodies are claimed by both sides of the conflict! Who were these men? And who killed them?

It turns out that the massacre in Jessore may have been genocide, but it wasn’t committed by the Pakistan army. The dead men were non-Bengali residents of Jessore, butchered in broad daylight by Bengali nationalists.

It is but one incident, but illustrative of the emerging reality that the conflict in 1971 in East Pakistan was a lot messier than most have been led to believe. Pakistan’s military regime did try to crush the Bengali rebellion by force, and many Bengalis did die for the cause of Bangladesh’s independence. Yet, not every allegation hurled against the Pakistan army was true, while many crimes committed in the name of Bengali nationalism remain concealed.

Once one took a second look, some of the Jessore bodies are dressed in salwar kameez ? an indication that they were either West Pakistanis or ‘Biharis’, the non-Bengali East Pakistanis who had migrated from northern India.

As accounts from the involved parties ? Pakistan, Bangladesh and India ? tend to be highly partisan, it was best to search for foreign eye witnesses, if any. My search took me to newspaper archives from 35 years ago. The New York Times carried the photo on April 3, 1971, captioned: ‘East Pakistani civilians, said to have been slain by government soldiers, lie in Jessore square before burial.’ The Washington Post carried it too, right under its masthead: ‘The bodies of civilians who East Pakistani sources said were massacred by the Pakistani army lie in the streets of Jessore.’ “East Pakistani sources said”, and without further investigation, these august newspapers printed the photo.

In fact, if the Americans had read The Times of London of April 2 and Sunday Times of April 4 or talked to their British colleagues, they would have had a better idea of what was happening in Jessore. In a front-page lead article on April 2 entitled ‘Mass Slaughter of Punjabis in East Bengal,’ The Times war correspondent Nicholas Tomalin wrote an eye-witness account of how he and a team from the BBC programme Panorama saw Bengali troops and civilians march 11 Punjabi civilians to the market place in Jessore where they were then massacred. “Before we were forced to leave by threatening supporters of Shaikh Mujib,” wrote Tomalin, “we saw another 40 Punjabi “spies” being taken towards the killing ground?”

Tomalin followed up on April 4 in Sunday Times with a detailed description of the “mid-day murder” of Punjabis by Bengalis, along with two photos ? one of the Punjabi civilians with their hands bound at the Jessore headquarters of the East Pakistan Rifles (a Bengal formation which had mutinied and was fighting on the side of the rebels), and another of their dead bodies lying in the square. He wrote how the Bengali perpetrators tried to deceive them and threatened them, forcing them to leave. As other accounts also testify, the Bengali “irregulars” were the only ones in central Jessore that day, as the Pakistan government forces had retired to their cantonment.

Though the military action had started in Dhaka on March 25 night, most of East Pakistan was still out of the government’s control. Like many other places, “local followers of Sheikh Mujib were in control” in Jessore at that time. Many foreign media reported the killings and counter-killings unleashed by the bloody civil war, in which the army tried to crush the Bengali rebels and Bengali nationalists murdered non-Bengali civilians.

Tomalin records the local Bengalis’ claim that the government soldiers had been shooting earlier and he was shown other bodies of people allegedly killed by army firing. But the massacre of the Punjabi civilians by Bengalis was an event he witnessed himself. Tomalin was killed while covering the Yom Kippur war of 1973, but his eye-witness accounts solve the mystery of the bodies of Jessore.

There were, of course, genuine Bengali civilian victims of the Pakistan army during 1971. Chandhan Sur and his infant son were killed on March 26 along with a dozen other men in Shankharipara, a Hindu area in Dhaka. The surviving members of the Sur family and other residents of Shankharipara recounted to me the dreadful events of that day. Amar, the elder son of the dead man, gave me a photo of his father and brother’s bodies, which he said he had come upon at a Calcutta studio while a refugee in India. The photo shows a man’s body lying on his back, clad in a lungi, with the infant near his feet.

Amar Sur’s anguish about the death of his father and brother (he lost a sister in another shooting incident) at the hands of the Pakistan army is matched by his bitterness about their plight in independent Bangladesh. They may be the children of a ‘shaheed,’ but their home was declared ‘vested property’ by the Bangladesh government, he said, in spite of documents showing that it belonged to his father. Even the Awami League ? support for whom had cost this Hindu locality so many lives in 1971 ? did nothing to redress this when they formed the government.

In the book 1971: documents on crimes against humanity committed by Pakistan army and their agents in Bangladesh during 1971, published by the Liberation War Museum, Dhaka, I came across the same photo of the Sur father and son’s dead bodies. It is printed twice, one a close-up of the child only, with the caption: ‘Innocent women were raped and then killed along with their children by the barbarous Pakistan Army’. Foreigners might just have mistaken the ‘lungi’ worn by Sur for a ‘saree’, but surely Bangladeshis can tell a man in a ‘lungi’ when they see one! And why present the same ‘body’ twice?

The contradictory claims on the photos of the dead of 1971 reveal in part the difficulty of recording a messy war, but also illustrate vividly what happens when political motives corrupt the cause of justice and humanity. The political need to spin a neat story of Pakistani attackers and Bengali victims made the Bengali perpetrators of the massacre of Punjabi civilians in Jessore conceal their crime and blame the army. The New York Times and The Washington Post “bought” that story too. The media’s reputation is salvaged in this case by the even-handed eye-witness reports of Tomalin in The Times and Sunday Times.

As for the hapless Chandhan Sur and his infant son, the political temptation to smear the enemy to the maximum by accusing him of raping and killing women led to Bangladeshi nationalists denying their own martyrs their rightful recognition. In both cases, the true victims ?Punjabis and Bengalis, Hindus and Muslims ? were cast aside, their suffering hijacked, by political motivations of others that victimised them a second time around.

The Telegraph - Calcutta : Look

---------- Post added at 05:14 PM ---------- Previous post was at 05:13 PM ----------

Sarmila Bose (born July 4, 1959, Boston, Massachussetts) was appointed Director of the newly-opened Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism at Oxford University in 2006, a position she relinquished in 2008 to become a senior researcher in the Department of Politics at Oxford.

She is controversial for her writing on the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, suggesting that the casualties and rape allegations in the Bangladesh Liberation War were greatly exaggerated for political purposes.[1][2]. Her views have been criticized strongly in Bangladesh.[3]

She had her schooling in Modern High School, Kolkata; she received her A.B. from Bryn Mawr College and masters and PhD from Harvard University in political economy. She is also a singer.
 
The above article is posted for discussion purpose only and not to shift blame on Bangladeshis.
The lady who is an Indian living in US, claims that it is not possible for Pakistani Army to kill 3 million people in such a short time. Bengalis were massacred by the Pakistani Army but alot of West Pakistanis (especially Punjabis and Biharis) were massacred by the Bangladeshis.
In my view 1971 was like 47 when both sides killed each other and it is difficult to put blame on one side.
However, killings of Punjabis and Biharis can be termed as nationalist hate. Killings of civilians by the Army have no reason!!!
 
A study of the 1971 conflict by an Indian academic, Prof Sarmila Bose, says the Pakistan army personnel did not rape Bengali women as has been widely alleged by Indian and Bangladeshi writers. While Prof Bose’s study focuses on certain specific cases, the finding is very interesting, based as it is on extensive interviews with eyewitnesses. The study also determines the pattern of conflict as three-layered: West Pakistan versus East Pakistan, East Pakistanis (pro-Independence) versus East Pakistanis (pro-Union) and the fateful war between India and Pakistan.

As Prof Bose has noted, no prior study of the conflict has been done. What we have are narratives that strengthen one point of view by rubbishing contending viewpoints. The Bangladeshi meta-narrative, for instance, focuses on the rape issue and uses that not only to demonise the Pakistan army but also exploit it as a symbol of why it was important to break away from (West) Pakistan. Indeed, the sheer number of Bangladeshi women raped is placed in the millions, a fact to which the Hamoodur Rehman Commission Report also referred and declared as absurd. Even so, over the years the charge of rape has stuck to the Pakistan army and weighed it down in moral terms. Prof Bose, a Bengali herself and belonging to the family of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, has done a remarkable job of investigating the charge and paving the way for independent scholars to probe the issue further.

Prof Bose, who unveiled her study at a US State Department conference convened to mark the release of declassified US government documents from that period, also spoke about the violence generated by all sides. “The civil war of 1971 was fought between those who believed they were fighting for a united Pakistan and those who believed their chance for justice and progress lay in an independent Bangladesh. Both were legitimate political positions. All parties in this conflict embraced violence as a means to the end, all committed acts of brutality outside accepted norms of warfare, and all had their share of humanity. These attributes make the 1971 conflict particularly suitable for efforts towards reconciliation, rather than recrimination,” says Prof Bose.

It goes to Prof Bose’s credit that while studying the conflict she retained her professionalism and integrity, two essential traits normally absent in studies done of that period by all sides. Under the circumstances, if she wants to explore the issue further the Pakistan army should not hesitate to give her access to raw material in its archives so that she can expand her work. Indeed, here’s the Pakistan army’s chance to wash this stigma off it once and for all. We are reasonably sure that elements within Bangladesh — and even India — will criticise Bose’s study because it goes against the grain of Bangladeshi nationalism. But this will not take away from its impartialness and significance. *

EDITORIAL #2: Growing US-India relations and Pakistan’s options

India and the United States have signed a 10-year agreement on defence cooperation, which includes joint weapons production, cooperation on missile defence and possible lifting of US export controls on India for sensitive military technologies. The mechanism for this includes setting up a “defence procurement and production group” to oversee defence trade, as well as prospects for co-production and technology collaboration” and deals on military “research, development, testing and evaluation”. Predictably, Pakistan has reacted adversely to the agreement and the various deals under it, saying that this could destabilise the military balance in the region that is already tipped in favour of India. Is Pakistan right?

Yes. Growing India-US military ties will definitely give New Delhi an edge and help it emerge in the region as a dominant player. But let’s face the reality. Pakistan can do nothing to change this course of events, especially not by prevailing upon the United States and preventing it from getting into a strategic partnership with India. So what can Pakistan do?

First, it needs to remember that the United States is now embarked upon a non-hyphenated South Asia policy. While Washington has its interests tied in with Pakistan, it looks at India in a different, and broader, perspective. As a sovereign nation, it (US) has a legitimate right to do that. Similarly, as a sovereign nation, Pakistan has the legitimate right to pursue its own interests. This can be done in four ways: Pakistan must cooperate with the US in all areas where the interests of the two sides converge; it must continue along the road to normalisation with India because that reduces the chances of conflict between the two sides; it must continue to improve its military preparedness to the minimal optimal level without getting embroiled in an arms race for the sake of nominal weapons parity; and it must balance scarce resources between defence and social sector requirements.

Military preparedness itself is pegged to four factors: nuclear, conventional, indigenous research and development and import of weapon systems from other countries. Underlying this effort is the economic health of the country. Pakistan’s economy has shown an upward trend in the past five years or so and it is important that the country should build on that. Military hardware is not cheap, especially if Pakistan moves towards technology-intensive systems, moving in the process from a personnel-intensive military to a capital-intensive, lean outfit in keeping with the revolution in military affairs. The Chinese model is a good example. China is using its economic strength, among other things, for military modernisation. Pakistan can also take that route.

The nuclear capability holds the key to Pakistan’s defence. The country needs to upgrade its arsenal within its technological and financial constraints. Simultaneously, it needs to enhance its conventional potential to decrease the likelihood of an early escalation to the nuclear option in the event of a conflict. R&D is important and the Pakistan Ordnance Factories have done well and qualified for ISO 17025. Its 14 concerns will be the first industrial group in the region to get that certification. It also has collaborative programmes running with China including the JF-17 Thunder fighter jet. Pakistan would also need to diversify its sources for military equipment.

The essential point is that while Pakistan may not be able to prevent certain developments in the region it can still remain pro-active and pursue its interests without getting into a conflict with other states. The real issue will be to balance the minimal optimal level of military preparedness with the maximum potential pursuit of the social sector so that the quality of human capital and human life in the country is enhanced exponentially. In the ultimate analysis, and beyond a certain level, it is not weapons but the quality of manpower behind the weapons that counts. *

Daily Times - Leading News Resource of Pakistan
 
Thank you very much but i was expecting some Bangladeshi to comment on the article above.
 

Damn! Even Iblis himself probably couldn't create a better masterpiece of emotional hodge-podge and sensationalism than Mush's one of Drishtipat blog. The day Mashuqur Rahman (Mush) wrote his 2nd holohoax samachar in that blog, he was showered by rain of pats in his back by his fellow comrades but none of the IVY leaguers ever asked him where was the evidence in it that disproved Prof. Bose's thesis statement? 2ndly the parodies that Akhtaruzzaman Mandal and Nitin Pai continued were nothing but the continuation of similar mumbo-jumbo without any document that would stay on jury trial. I've a very simple understanding of the mission of these guys like Mush, Mandal, Pai and what they are up to. Today Muktijudha is almost as big Banijjik scheme as Holohoax. By this scheme these guys are creating an empire like 2-3% people are owning 48% wealth in U.S. Need I say more about any factual research that tends to call it their bluff?
 
yes in 38 years, we found only Mrs. Bose who thinks, its impossible to kill 3 million. And she did all the imagination sitting in her drawing room, like Taslima Nasreen who believes every women in the world are hooookers like her.
 
yes in 38 years, we found only Mrs. Bose who thinks, its impossible to kill 3 million. And she did all the imagination sitting in her drawing room, like Taslima Nasreen who believes every women in the world are hooookers like her.

Fair enough but i heard she did some survey too
 
evet Gezgin agabey. I have no problem with a commission being set up. Inquiries should be made regarding the killings of East Pakistanis.....the same way West Pakistanis (in East Pakistan) should also get their justice. Many people were killed.

But in Pakistan, we support Bangladesh now that it is created. Bengalis are good people, i am fond of them
 
So 40 thousands solder killed 3 million and rape thousand while fighting Mukti and Bharati agents. Were those human solders or negatively imposed Zinnat?

Let us be realistic and logical rather than eat Bharati BS like Awami dalal. Kabis o ne mazak bana kar rak dia.
How come big mouth awami hindu league failed to produce any valid list that justify this number and where are these mass graves that we hear about? I mean grave that filled with 100 of thousands rather than hundred.

Estimate number is around 300 thousand during 71 conflicts although most likely this number included those who died in massive flood during 70 and death that occurred from 72 to 74 from massive hunger created by Malaun blooded Mujib and his dalal bahini. Let’s not forget about killing and raping by rokki bahini of Mujib.

It’s evident that this number fed by Bharati t demonized Muslim army.

It was a civil war so innocent died from both sides. I have always been saying that if some part of bd revolt today than our army will not sit and suck their finger while country goes down the drain rather will bring devastation thus central government of Pakistan took some measurement to crackdown Mukti and their collaborator but unfortunately history turned out to be different because of bharati intervention and unworthy generals.

Let not dig the dirt hole no more as it will produce nothing but unbearable smell. Let face it, none of us Farishta so accept our wrong doing (both sides) and move on rather than stuck in the past that will only benefit mushrik enemy.

Us Bangladeshi should think about recent Pilkana massacre including rape and loot by our own before putting all the blame to west Pak solders like blind and deaf as they were all Iblis and we are all Farishta than how come Pilkana type massacre doesn’t take place in Pakistan but it did take place in land of Mir Jaffar?

Perhaps we have taste our own medicine. Don’t we my Bangladeshi bros!!!

Let us close this shameful chapter for good and move one. Allah's sake......
 
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yes in 38 years, we found only Mrs. Bose who thinks, its impossible to kill 3 million. And she did all the imagination sitting in her drawing room, like Taslima Nasreen who believes every women in the world are hooookers like her.
It's very easy to be a hateful keyboard-warrior and transfer shame on other, especially when that person tries to conduct surgery on 'Nationalist ego' but hard to see why 'Marriage of convenience' ends with one eyed look. Now listen to this, 'Mr. Bengali Nationalist', it’s no wonder for Ms. Bose coming with a proper research at this time since Commie-Congress marriage has recently been broken. Did you notice how our Communist brother here opposed Indian federation after it being taken over by Hindu-Zio-Nazies? Wait few more days to see some one like Ms. Bose would come out to explain how RAW had killed our intellectuals in 14th Dec, 71.
 
^^ So you don't think Bangladesh should be an independent country?
A portion of the Bengal is known as current Bangladesh. Before 1971 it was under a bigger federation and didn't lack anything of independence by 'UN's jurisdiction'. Prior to 1946, the entire Bengal was under BRITS run Indian Sub-continent. Majority of its population were Muslims. So, why wasn't the entire Bengal transfer to PAK federation like all Hindu majority states were transfer to IND? Why did it have to be broken like Punjab? Now listen to this, you guys cried and created hodge-podge during Bangha-Vangha in 1905-06 and annulled it in 1911 but why did you reverse it again on 1946 to go with IND? Didn't you guys already erode Bengals independence then? Bangladesh as a whole province was more independent under Nabab Shiraj and with the division of INDO-PAK it already lost its originality but both went under parental control (INDO-PAK). Although clever dadas understood the significance of staying under federation with their Hindu jats but our fish-brained intellectual and traitor Mujib didn't. Current Bangladesh is like an independent-orphan beyond parental control but Indian Bengal under bigger federation is a far more independent and stronger than it. I know my compatriots would call me RAZAKAR after such statement but I'm no prisoner of conscience for telling the truth. We have been made foulest out of fools in 71 and whoever boasts our foreign reserve, exasperates numbers and count high rises to say we are better off, I tell him humbly to look at IRAQ. Under Saddam it happened to be the most prosperous Arab nation but was it broken because of being contained and isolated or not? So, our prosperity is also 'Kochu Patar Pani' and what would happen to 165 Mill people when a big chunk of it goes under water? If INDO-PAK were one country then we had autonomy to move anywhere we liked. If we were at least with PAK then GOP would bound to relocate us in another province. But can we ask for it because of our so-called independency?
 
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A portion of the Bengal is known as current Bangladesh. Before 1971 it was under a bigger federation and didn't lack anything of independence by 'UN's jurisdiction'. Prior to 1946, the entire Bengal was under BRITS run Indian Sub-continent. Majority of its population were Muslims. So, why wasn't the entire Bengal transfer to PAK federation like all Hindu majority states were transfer to IND? Why did it have to be broken like Punjab? Now listen to this, you guys cried and created hodge-podge during Bangha-Vangha in 1905-06 and annulled it in 1911 but why did you reverse it again on 1946 to go with IND? Didn't you guys already erode Bengals independence then? Bangladesh as a whole province was more independent under Nabab Shiraj and with the division of INDO-PAK it already lost its originality but both went under parental control (INDO-PAK). Although clever dadas understood the significance of staying under federation with their Hindu jats but our fish-brained intellectual and traitor Mujib didn't. Current Bangladesh is like an independent-orphan beyond parental control but Indian Bengal under bigger federation is a far more independent and stronger than it. I know my compatriots would call me RAZAKAR after such statement but I'm no prisoner of conscience for telling the truth. We have been made foulest out of fools in 71 and whoever boasts our foreign reserve, exasperates numbers and count high rises to say we are better off, I tell him humbly to look at IRAQ. Under Saddam it happened to be the most prosperous Arab nation but was it broken because of being contained and isolated or not? So, our prosperity is also 'Kochu Patar Pani' and what would happen to 165 Mill people when a big chunk of it goes under water? If INDO-PAK were one country then we had autonomy to move anywhere we liked. If we were at least with PAK then GOP would bound to relocate us in another province. But can we ask for it because of our so-called independency?
THIS LOOKS LIKE AN INTERESTING POINT OF VIEW - LEAVING THE EMOTIONAL BAGGAGE ASIDE LET'S TAKE A CLOSER LOOK & DEBATE IT OUT.
Thank you Saint
 
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