The Separation of East Pakistan [1971]

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  1. Al-zakir
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    I know there has been discussion about the 1971 and separation of Pakistan. Weather we like it or not but it's the truth. I am posting this article about 1971 for sake of history and I believe this article present some good points. My intention isn't bring up any bad memory or hurt anyone feeling. 1971 is a truth and biggest blunder made by our forefather in the history of Pakistan. we the new generation of Pak-BD need live with this truth although it could have been avoided if both side compromised for the sake of saving Pakistan but they chose confrontation rather than peace. In 1947 they shed their blood for a separate homeland and in 1971 they bleed each other for separation of the same homeland.



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    The separation of East Pakistan was a great setback to Pakistan. By 1970, sentiments for national unity had weakened in East Pakistan to the extent that constant conflict between the two Wings dramatically erupted into mass civil disorder. This tragically resulted in the brutal and violent amputation of Pakistan's Eastern Wing.

    The physical separation of a thousand miles between the two wings without a common border, and being surrounded by Indian territory and influences, led to constant political, economic and social conflicts between the two wings; embittering relations bringing the country on the verge of collapse.

    As a result of the separation of its Eastern Wing, Pakistan's international credit was depleted and the military, being its most powerful institution, suffered a lot. To some, the very concept of Pakistan as the homeland for the Muslims in Southeast Asia no longer appeared valid.

    Trouble started right at the inception of Pakistan in 1947. Almost immediately, East Pakistan claimed that as their population (55 percent as compared to 45 percent in the West) was greater, they were in a majority. Democratically, the Federal Capital, therefore, should have been in Dhaka and not in Karachi.

    Since Karachi was the seat of the National Government; ministers, government officials and industrialists exerted immense influence on national and regional affairs, which brought them many benefits. But the East Pakistanis were unable to extract the same kind of advantages, as they were a thousand miles away from the Capital. Moreover, the Capital initially attracted wealthy industrialists, businessmen, administrators, doctors and other professionals who had fled from India

    The location of the Capital, it was said, created great economic imbalance, uneven distribution of national wealth and privileges, and better jobs for the people of West Pakistan, because they were able to sway decisions in their own favor.

    Secondly, Bengalis resented the vast sums of foreign exchange earned from the sale of jute from East, which were being spent on defense. They questioned how the expenditure for the Kashmir cause would be justified, when it could otherwise have been productively used to build dams and barriers to control floods, eradicate poverty and illiteracy, and supply food and shelter for the ever-growing population in East Pakistan.

    Thirdly, the people of the East believed that it was sheer regional prejudice that all white-collar jobs were taken by West Pakistanis.

    Many mistakes were made early in the short history of Pakistan. There lived in East Pakistan about 15 million Hindus who, with the help of their fellow West Bengali Indians from across the border, were able to exploit East-West differences that emerged as a result of these mistakes. Grievances were exaggerated to foster anti-West Pakistani feelings that eventually created Bengali Nationalism and separatist tendencies. Bengali political leaders went around depicting the Central Government and West Pakistan as hostile exploiters. However, no effective efforts were made by the Government to check these anti-national trends.

    Awami League, formed in 1951, was headed by Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman. He had always been an ardent Bengali nationalist. He began to attract popular support from Bengalis in East Pakistan. He put forward his Six Points that demanded more autonomy for the Provinces in general, and East Pakistan in particular. He was arrested in April 1966, and soon released, only to be rearrested and imprisoned in June the same year. He languished in prison until February 1969.

    Being deeply aware of the explosive political situation in the country, the then Chief Martial Law Administrator, Yahya Khan, set in motion moves to transfer power to the elected representatives of the people, and announced that the general elections would be held on October 5, 1970.

    In all his election speeches, Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman reiterated his demand for implementation of his Six Points and provincial autonomy plans.

    The 1970 elections were postponed from October to December due to heavy floods that caused immense destruction and havoc in East Pakistan. The sheer enormity of the disaster attracted worldwide attention. This gave Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman a golden opportunity to have an international audience for his anti-West Pakistan feelings, which he accused of brutal callousness. The Awami League gained much sympathy and benefit out of this suffering, and Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman and his people were portrayed on the international scene as victims of West Pakistan's indifference.

    In the general elections held in December 1970, the Awami League achieved an overwhelming victory. They captured 167 seats, the highest number in East Pakistan and overall. In the West, the Pakistan Peoples Party had won 85 seats. The way was now open to draw up a new Constitution.

    The Awami League, now overwhelmingly victors, stood firm on its Six Points plan and refused to compromise on that issue. The Peoples Party in the West maintained that the Six Points Program did not really permit a genuine federation. It was in fact a unique constitutional proposal that proposed a federation that had power only over defense and foreign policy.

    Efforts were made to start a constitutional dialogue and narrow the differences between the two Wings, but all in vain. Mujib-ur-Rahman's adamant stand in support of his Six Points, and his proposal that East Pakistan should have a sovereign status independent of Pakistan, further aggravated the situation.

    Mujib-ur-Rahman launched a non-cooperation movement. The civil administration was totally paralyzed. All government and educational institutions were closed. People were asked not to pay any taxes. The transport system came to a standstill. Factories and shops were shut. All government activities between both the Wings ceased. The Awami League setup a parallel government. Gangs of local Awami League freedom fighters, known as Mukti Bahini, led violent demonstrations and howled racial and anti-West Pakistan slogans, inciting the people to more violence.

    Amidst these disturbances, Genaral Yahya decided to convene the National Assembly in March 1971. But Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman unexpectedly put forward other demands such as the immediate lifting of Martial Law and power transfer to the elected representatives of the people, prior to the National Assembly session.

    Unfortunately, on March 23, the Republic Day of Pakistan, the Awami League declared "Resistance Day" and Bangladesh flags flew all over the Province. There was a great massacre. East Pakistan had reached a point of no return. To quash the armed rebellion of Awami League militants, the Pakistan Army struck its first blow on March 27, 1971. Yahya Khan chose to use force to bring law and order in the country.

    In the meantime, India exploited Pakistan's dilemma to the full. It sought to wring full propaganda and strategic value for itself out of the Bengali suffering and misery. India launched an attack on East Pakistan on November 22, 1971. The use of modern Soviet missiles, geographical separation by a thousand miles lying across the hostile Indian territory, and the collusion of Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army, made Pakistan's military defeat in the East almost certain.

    On December 10, 1971, the first feeler for surrender in East Pakistan was conveyed to the United Nations. On December 17, 1971, a formal surrender was submitted and accepted. Forty five thousand troops and an almost equal number of civilians of West Pakistan were taken as prisoners of war.

    The text of the Instrument of Surrender document was as follows:

    "INSTRUMENT OF SURRENDER"

    The PAKISTAN Eastern Command agree to surrender all PAKISTAN Armed Forces in BANGLA DESH to Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA, General Officer Commanding in Chief of the Indian and BANGLA DESH forces in the Eastern Theatre. This surrender includes all PAKISTAN land, air and naval forces as also all para-military forces and civil armed forces. These forces will lay down their arms and surrender at the places where they are currently located to the nearest regular troops under the command of Lieutenant- General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA.

    The PAKISTAN Eastern Command shall come under the orders of Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA as soon as this instrument has been signed. Disobedience of orders will be regarded as a breach of the surrender terms and will be dealt with in accordance with the accepted laws and usages of war. The decision of Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA will be final, should any doubt arise as to the meaning or interpretation of the surrender terms.

    Lieutenant- General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA gives a solemn assurance that personnel who surrender will be treated with dignity and respect that soldiers are entitled to in accordance with the provisions of the GENEVA Convention and guarantees the safety and well-being of all PAKISTAN military and para-military forces who surrender. Protection will be provided to foreign nationals, ethnic minorities and personnel of WEST PAKISTAN origin by the forces under the command of Lieutenant- General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA.

    Signed:

    (JAGJIT SINGH AURORA) Lieutenant-General General Officer Commanding in Chief Indian and BANGLA DESH Forces in the Eastern Theatre

    (AMIR ABDULLAH KHAN NIAZI) Lieutenant-General Martial Law Administrator Zone B and Commander Eastern Command (PAKISTAN)

    16 December 1971"

    The surrender led to the disintegration of East and West Pakistan and the establishment of Bangladesh. After 25 years, the East Pakistanis declared themselves independent and renamed their Province as Bangladesh. Pakistan finally recognized Bangladesh at the Islamic Conference in Lahore on February 22, 1974.

    http://www.storyofpakistan.com/articletext.asp?artid=A070
    Last edited: Feb 2, 2009
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  2. asq
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    All the grievances by Bengalis were in my opinion superfluous as they were the one who ruled most of the time between 1947 to 1971.

    Check the History please. why than they complained. Let alone separated, I think it was a conspiracy by our neighbor India to break Muslims in to small insignificant entities.
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  3. chindit
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    care to prove that?
  4. PureLogic
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    So you would not refrain from blaming India for everything even while accepting your own blunders and complete defeat? :disagree:

    You just presented India as a villain in just two sentences. What about millions of Bangladeshi citizens who to India and forced the infrastructure here to collapse? What India was supposed to do then? :crazy:

    It is almost impossible that you do not know these facts, but.....:hitwall:

    This is the first third party reliable article I found when I googled for it. Hope now you will see the things in right light. :tup:
  5. asq
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    asq SENIOR MEMBER

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    Name Portrait Entered office Left office Date of Birth and Death Political party
    1 Liaquat Ali Khan 14 August 1947 16 October 1951 1 October 1896 – 16 October 1951 Muslim League
    [U]2 Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin 17 October 1951 17 April 1953 19 July 1894 - 22 October 1964 Muslim League
    3 Muhammad Ali Bogra 17 April 1953 12 August 1955 12 August 1909 - 15 July 1963 Muslim League
    4 Chaudhry Muhammad Ali 12 August 1955 12 September 1956 15 July 1905 - 2 December 1980 Muslim League

    5 Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy 12 September 1956 17 October 1957 8 September 1892 - 5 December 1963 Awami League
    6 Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar 17 October 1957 16 December 1957 15 April 1898 - 13 March 1968 Muslim League
    [/U]
    7 Sir Feroz Khan Noon 16 December 1957 7 October 1958 18 June 1893 - 9 December 1970 Republican Party
    0 none 28 October 1958 7 December 1971 There was no Prime Minister due to martial law
    9 Nurul Amin 7 December 1971 20 December 1971 15 July 1893 - 2 October 1974 Muslim League
    0 none 20 December 1971 14 August 1973 There was no Prime Minister due to martial law
    10 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 14 August 1973 5 July 1977 5 January 1928 – 4 April 1979 Pakistan Peoples Party
    0 none 5 July 1977 24 March 1985 There was no Prime Minister due to martial law
    11 Muhammad Khan Junejo 24 March 1985 29 May 1988 18 August 1932 – 16 March 1993 Pakistan Muslim League
    12 Benazir Bhutto 2 December 1988 6 August 1990 21 June 1953 - 27 December 2007 Pakistan Peoples Party
    13 Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi 6 August 1990 6 November 1990 14 August 1931 - present Islami Jamhoori Ittehad
    14 Nawaz Sharif 6 November 1990 18 April 1993 25 December 1949 - present Islami Jamhoori Ittehad
    15 Balakh Sher Mazari 18 April 1993 26 May 1993 8 July 1928 - present Caretaker
    16 Nawaz Sharif 26 May 1993 18 July 1993 25 December 1949 - present Islami Jamhoori Ittehad
    17 Moeenuddin Ahmad Qureshi 18 July 1993 19 October 1993 16 April 1930 - present Caretaker
    18 Benazir Bhutto 19 October 1993 5 November 1996 21 June 1953 - 27 December 2007 Pakistan Peoples Party
    19 Malik Meraj Khalid 5 November 1996 17 February 1997 20 September 1916 - 13 June 2003 Caretaker
    20 Nawaz Sharif 17 February 1997 12 October 1999 25 December 1949 - present Pakistan Muslim League (N)
    22 Zafarullah Khan Jamali 21 November 2002 26 June 2004 1 January 1944 - present Pakistan Muslim League (Q)
    23 Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain 30 June 2004 20 August 2004 27 January 1946 - present Pakistan Muslim League (Q)
    24 Shaukat Aziz 20 August 2004 16 November 2007 6 March 1949 - present Pakistan Muslim League (Q)
    25 Muhammad Mian Soomro 16 November 2007 25 March 2008 19 August 1950 - present Caretaker
    26 Yousaf Raza Gillani 25 March 2008 present 24 June 1952 - present Pakistan Peoples Party

    Now if u see from 1947 to 1971 u will see mostly P.M,s were east pakistanis. I hope u can desifer this chart.
    Last edited: Feb 2, 2009
  6. asq
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    asq SENIOR MEMBER

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    Pure Logic. Again u pick and choose. as per your version of Simla accord in which in third paragraph it is noted that both parties wil work together through understanding issues bilaterally. And through the mechanism of working groups.

    And yet Indian unilaterally and forcefull made Kashmir part of India knowing fully well that it is a disputed territory and that it must be decided by working groups and not by bully tactics.
  7. asq
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    asq SENIOR MEMBER

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    For all those Indians on this i like them to see this Islam hate and false propaganda site and tell if u have ever seen any thing like this by a Muslims. I think not. so who is spreading hate. Not Muslims.

    Fact of the matter is that mentioning about Chechnya and Bosnia and Kashmir is that people of those lands want their basic rights to decide as to who they want to be with or without and yet most of the people on this site i see are not willing to give them this right, instead they like to oppress them and keep them under yokes and yet they call themselves the biggest Democracy, and also some call themselves modern by definition , little they know that they fought two world wars killing 200 million people out of them killing 6 million Jews and than they turn around impose Israel on poor unsuspecting Palestinians and , during 40,s when turkey had lost WW1, Middle east was divided into the countries that exist today and the rulers were hand picked and not chosen by the Muslims living in those areas, these rulers were and are not looking out for the betterment of masses but are looking for ruling by hook or by crook only interested in big fancy cars, gambling and buying big expensive jets.

    And yet some of the Muslim hating people put a site on internet totally full of lies and insulting materials, so those of you who are on this site should, if you are what you tell me to be modern and very fair, than let us see if u can put some shame to those who are spreading hate against Islam on Internet.

    And here is the site.

    Islam Watch - Islam under scrutiny by ex-Muslims-Truth about Islam (Muhammad Koran Quran Sunnah Hadith Bukhari Islamic History Conquest Atrocity Science-Medicine Slavery Women Sex in Islam Caliphs Omar Abu Bak'r Ali Osman al-Rashid al-Mamun Khali
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  8. rubyjackass
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    Which of the leaders were east Pakistanis?
  9. asq
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    asq SENIOR MEMBER

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    Ruby-jack-***. Before I answer you question, did you read my post about an Indian site spreading hate against Islam and if you tell me you're very fair minded than let us see if you will put them in their place where they belong with your logical deductive reasoning. Or are you here for fun and games.

    Now the leaders names are.
    Khawaja Nazim-ud-din
    Mohammad Ali Bogra
    Choudhry Mohammad Ali
    Hussain Shaheed Suharwardy
    Ibrahim Ismael Chundrigar
    Nurul Amin
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  10. chindit
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    asq.. how many of the presidents of pakistan from 1956 to 1971 were bengalis? All the names you mentioned hardly ruled the country for 7 years or 8 years. whereas punjabis and pathans ruled pakistan for the remaining and weilded the true power as presidents
  11. asq
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    asq SENIOR MEMBER

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    What are u trying to imply CHINDIP, These names that I gave u were either president or prime ministers and were in top positions in united Pakistan and had good influence, as good as any other Leader, why than they did not realize,act and safe the union. it is that our neighbor used false propaganda to fill the mind of innocent Bengalis specially Hindu population to separate and the promise was that once they separate the milk and honey will flow in the streets, what a big lie.

    The times that iam talking about from 1947 t0 1970 there was no Pathan in rule,

    But let me ask u a question since u Indian guys are long on questions and short on reasonable and understandable answers,"did u or any of other Indian go the site that I mentioned before and write to those who are spreading false propaganda against Islam, did you. everything they quoting is out of context and it shameful that these Indian do this." or are u here only to ask questions. And do not want to be a positive contributer.

    Let me give u the site address again.


    Islam Watch - Islam under scrutiny by ex-Muslims-Truth about Islam (Muhammad Koran Quran Sunnah Hadith Bukhari Islamic History Conquest Atrocity Science-Medicine Slavery Women Sex in Islam Caliphs Omar Abu Bak'r Ali Osman al-Rashid al-Mamun Khali
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  12. chindit
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    okay maybe not pathan (I thought Ayub was a pathan but obviously not), but defnitely no bengali was a president

    of the PMs of pakistan

    Khawaja Nazim-ud-din 17 October 1951 17 April 1953 One Year Seven Months
    Mohammad Ali Bogra 17 April 1953 12 August 1955 - 2 Years and four months

    Choudhry Mohammad Ali was from Punjab. Even otherwise he served only one year

    Hussain Shaheed Suharwardy 12 September 1956 17 October 1957 One Year and One Month
    Ibrahim Ismael Chundrigar 17 October 1957 16 December 1957 - Two Months

    Nurul Amin 7 December 1971 20 December 1971 (Thirteen Days):enjoy:

    Wow , all your Bengali Presidents and Prime Ministers ruled Pakistan for a total of Five Years and Two Months in the 24 years of history till 1971, even though Bengalis were more than 50% of your population - all the rest was by West Pakistanis. And they served ZERO years as Presidents. Which were all served by West pakistanis Generals (Ayub, Yahya)
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  13. Khajur
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    I 'll ask every Banladeshi & pakistani member to to read this column that appeared in TIME magazine,Oct. 25, 1971.

    East Pakistan: Even the Skies Weep
    By HP-Time.com Monday, Oct. 25, 1971


    IN New Delhi last week, one member of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's Cabinet was heard to remark: "War is inevitable." In Islamabad, President Agha Mohammed Yahya Khan spent the better part of a 40-minute television speech railing against the Indians, whom he accused of "whipping up a war frenzy." Along their borders, east and west, both India and Pakistan massed troops. Both defended the action as precautionary, but there was a real danger that a minor border incident could suddenly engulf the subcontinent in all-out war.

    Several factors are at work to reduce the likelihood of such an explosion. The Indian-Soviet friendship treaty, signed early in August, deters India from waging war without consulting the Soviets. At the same time, rising discontent and political and economic pressures within West Pakistan have also placed restraints on Strongman Yahya Khan and his military regime. Nonetheless, war remains a distinct possibility. As Mrs. Gandhi said last week at a public meeting in South India: "We must be prepared for any eventuality."

    Intolerable Strain. The current dispute has grown out of the Pakistani army's harsh repression of a Bengali movement demanding greater autonomy for the much-exploited eastern sector of the divided nation. The resulting flood of impoverished East Pakistani refugees has placed an intolerable strain on India's already overburdened economy. New Delhi has insisted from the first that the refugees, who now number well over 9,000,000 by official estimates, must be allowed to return safely to their homes in East Pakistan.

    Before that is possible, however, a political solution must be found that would end the Pakistani army's reign of terror, wanton destruction and pogroms aimed particularly at the 10 million members of the Hindu minority in predominantly Moslem East Pakistan (pop. 78 million at the start of the civil war).


    Once, Sheik Mujibur ("Mujib") Rahman, leader of the Awami League, the East's majority party, might have held the key to that solution. As the overwhelming winner of the country's first national elections last December Mujib stood to become Prime Minister of Pakistan; now he is on trial for his life before a secret military tribunal in the West on charges of treason.

    Though Islamabad has ordered the military command to ease off on its repressive tactics, refugees are still trekking into India at the rate of about 30,000 a day, telling of villages burned, residents shot, and prominent figures carried off and never heard from again. One of the more horrible revelations concerns 563 young Bengali women, some only 18, who have been held captive inside Dacca's dingy military cantonment since the first days of the fighting. Seized from Dacca University and private homes and forced into military brothels, the girls are all three to five months pregnant. The army is reported to have enlisted Bengali gynecologists to abort girls held at military installations. But for those at the Dacca cantonment it is too late for abortion. The military has begun freeing the girls a few at a time, still carrying the babies of Pakistani soldiers.

    A Million Dead. No one knows how many have died in the seven-month-old civil war. But in Karachi, a source with close connections to Yahya's military regime concedes: "The generals say the figure is at least 1,000,000." Punitive raids by the Pakistani army against villages near sites sabotaged by the Mukti Bahini, the Bengali liberation army, are an everyday occurrence.

    The fighting is expected to increase sharply in the next few weeks, with the end of the monsoon rains. Both the Pakistani army, most of whose 80,000 troops are bunkered down along the Indian border, and the Mukti Bahini, with as many as 60,000 guerrilla fighters, have said that they will soon open major new military offensives.

    Plentiful Arms. On a recent trip deep into Mukti Bahini territory, TIME Correspondent Dan Coggin found an almost surreal scene. He cabled:

    "Leaving the road behind, I entered a strange world where water is seasonal king and the only transport is a large, cane-covered canoe known as the country boat. For seven hours we plied deeper into Gopalganj subdivision in southern Faridpur district. The two wiry oarsmen found their way by taking note of such landmarks as a forlornly decaying maharajah's palace and giant butterfly nets hovering like outsized flamingos on stilt legs at water's edge.

    "As darkness approached, we were able to visit two neighboring villages, with about 25 guerrillas living among the local folk in each. The guerrillas were mostly men in their 20s, some ex-college students, others former soldiers, militiamen and police. Their arms were various but plentiful, and they had ammunition, mines and grenades.

    "A Mukti Bahini captain told me that the Bengali rebels are following the three-stage guerrilla warfare strategy of the Viet Cong, and are now in the first phase of organization and staging hit-and-run attacks. So far the guerrillas in the captain's area of operations have lost about 50 men, and larger army attacks are expected. But the Mukti Bahini plan to mount ambushes and avoid meeting army firepower headon.

    "On my way back to Dacca next day, I came upon a convoy trucker who had been waiting for five days for his turn to board a ferry and cross the miles-wide junction of the great Ganges and Brahmaputra rivers. As we huddled under the tailgate to keep dry, a shopkeeper joined us. Gazing at the puddle forming beneath us, he said: 'Even the skies are weeping for this land.' "

    Always Hungry. As conditions within East Pakistan have worsened, so have those of the refugees in India. The stench from poor sanitation facilities hangs heavy in the air. Rajinder Kumar, 32, formerly a clerk in Dacca, says he is "always hungry" on his daily grain ration of 300 grams (about 1½ cups). His three children each get half that much. "They cry for more," he says, "but there isn't any more."

    Malnutrition has reached desperate proportions among the children. Dr. John Seamon, a British doctor with the Save the Children Fund who has traveled extensively among the 1,000 or so scattered refugee camps estimates that 150,000 children between the ages of one and eight have died, and that 500,000 more are suffering from serious malnutrition and related diseases.

    It is now officially estimated that refugees will swell to 12 million by the end of the year. The cost to the Indian government for the fiscal year ending next March 31 may run as high as $830 million. The U.S. so far has supplied $83.2 million for the refugees, and $137 million in "humanitarian" relief inside East Pakistan. Two weeks ago, the Nixon Administration asked Congress to grant an additional $250 million.

    Senator Edward Kennedy charges that the U.S. is sending another sort of aid to the subcontinent as well. In spite of a State Department freeze on new military aid shipments to Pakistan, says Kennedy, the Pentagon has signed new defense contracts totaling nearly $10 million with the Pakistan government within the past five months. Kennedy's investigation also revealed that U.S. firms have received State Department licenses to ship to Pakistan arms and ammunition purchased from the Soviet Union and in Eastern Europe.

    Catalyst for Violence. Observers doubt that the situation would ease even if Yahya were to release Mujib and lift a ban on the Awami League. Where the Bengalis once were merely demanding greater autonomy, they now seem determined to fight for outright independence.

    In his speech last week, Yahya also announced that the National Assembly would be convened in December, immediately following by-elections in the East to fill the Assembly seats vacated by disqualified Awami Leaguers. With the main party banned from participation, however, the election is likely to provoke more violence. Already the Mukti Bahini have vowed to treat candidates as dalals ("collaborators").

    Nonetheless, Yahya may find himself compelled to put his government at least partly in civilian hands. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, leader of West Pakistan's majority Pakistan People's Party and Yahya's most probable choice for Prime Minister, has become more and more outspoken about "the rule of the generals." Recently he said: "The long night of terror must end. The people of Pakistan must take their destiny in their own hands." Formerly that sort of talk would have landed him in jail. Now even Yahya seems to have recognized that unless the military allows some sort of civilian rule it may face trouble in the West as well as in the ravaged East.
  14. asq
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    thid story is only one sided, I will equate this to 4,000000 afghan refugees in Pakistan, India started crying instead of discussing the problem with its neighbor for a genuine solution, But India thinks like a bully had armed Mukti Buhini, Pakistan did never abuse or accused Afghanistan or attacked it, Pakistan looked after all of them and when time is ripe, would send them back, although most of them are still in Pakistan.

    All you exhaustive details are one sided and have no weight on us the Pakistan.

    Our friends instead of helping, hindered and situation became worst as our adversaries wanted to become and act bad as they have bad faith and acted extremely bad all the time since partition.

    So the situation became bad and it resulted in deaths of innocent people. But the main thing is Pakistan realized and stopped the fighting at the risk of soldiers becoming POW,s. But if one equates this with Kashmir one see a bully India committing atrocities for 60 years, Why?

    So Indians should be last one to teach us how we did in Bangla-desh as they have no leg to stand on.

    So take your advice to someone who do not know the bully India.
    Last edited: Feb 7, 2009
  15. third eye
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    I'd like to read comments of BD members here on this.
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